24 March 2011

African Union and The Economic Community Of West African States

By Nnamdi Frank Akwada

Recent events in Cote d'Ivoire and Libya have exposed the ineffectiveness and obscurity of the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS). Both organizations have remained on the sidelines while uncertainty, insecurity, and authoritarians have held the African continent ransom. Indeed Pan-Africanist leaders like George Padmore, W. E. B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe would be mortified by the paralysis and ineptitude in the most natural endowed continent of the world. So called rulers in sub-Saharan African nations have indolently sat by while Black and Brown Africans are murdered in Libya. In Cote d'Ivoire the situation is at best pathetic and at worse criminal negligence. 

Due to the dictatorial tendencies of our heads of governments who do not seem to be constrained by constitutions and/or term limits, ECOWAS and AU have tacitly allowed Mr. Laurent Gbagbo in Abidjan to continue clinging on to power. While stubbornly refusing to handover power after occupying the presidency of Cote d'Ivoire for ten years, Mr. Gbagbo has spearheaded the mass murder of innocent civilians including unarmed women protesters. Sadly this same individual who was once incarcerated and forced out on exile is now the conduit of undue hardship to his people. The Ivorian army has derogated their responsibilities to their citizens while clamoring to maintain the hegemony of a particular sect in the country. Streams of Ivorians are now forced to flee their beloved country to become refugees, paupers, and prostitutes in neighboring countries. 

However, in response to the crisis in Abidjan the ECOWAS countries have allowed their threat to use force with installing President Alassane Ouattara the legitimate winner of the November 28 2010 elections, fall on deaf ears. The African Union (AU) has also been shameful in dealing with contemporary situations in the continent. When they met in Addis Ababa Ethiopia for the just concluded African Union Summit, the AU enshrined Dictator Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea as the next chairman of the organization. The aforementioned tyrant and fraudster who has been in power since 1979 after he executed a bloody coup was charged with the task of resolving the impasse in Cote d'Ivoire. In a continent that is at the precipice of holding elections in one-third of her 55countries, no better choice was made for the chairperson of the AU. As a testament to how out of touch with reality the African Union and our so-called leaders are, they literally rolled out the proverbial red carpet for Dictator Obiang Mbasogo. 

Furthermore, the AU banded together with their opaque notion of solidarity and ignoring other pressing issues in the continent. Ironically, people in Sudan, Tunisia, and Egypt were voting and protesting against the “recolonialization” of their nations by rulers and systems who view their countries as personal properties and wealth mines. As Egypt was burning and true peoples' democracy attempted to wrestle power from Dictator Hosni Mubarak, our dear AU kept mute and instead accepted his delegates to the summit in neighboring Ethiopia. This deafening silence and apathy have continued with the developments in Tripoli Libya. The AU and ECOWAS have stood by as sub-Saharan Black African have been stereotyped, brutalized, and murdered by both Dictator Muammar Gaddafi and some in the pro-democracy movement of this North Africa nation.

Press reports indicate that there are thousands of Black Africans stranded in the Libyan-Tunisia, Libyan-Egyptian, and Libyan-Algerian borders. Individuals and families with children have been relatively abandoned as refugees in faraway lands to fend for themselves. There does not appear to be any progressive (proactive) logistic plans to get the Nigerians, Ghanaians, and Malians who are the majority of strained Black African refugees back home. The powers that be in ECOWAS and by extension sub-Saharan Africa have not thought it wise to send out their presidential jet fleets to liberate their people. The governments in Abuja and Accra appear to be incognito in regional and global affairs that demand accelerated response from them. Until now no statements and/or ultimatums have been issued to the Libyan government and people to protect and preserve the lives of Black Africans who are victims, caught up in these ongoing North African disputes. Neither has transparent diplomatic channels and pressures been brought to bear on the mad Dictator in Tripoli. 


Gambia News: GMC Faces another Political Blockade from Jammeh Government

Gambia Moral Congress (GMC) party has been denied a permit by the police to hold a political rally, the party youth league leader confirmed. 
GMC’s National Youth League is scheduled to stage a mass political rally today in Sanchaba, but its members have been moving forth and back from the offices of the Police IG in Banjul  to the Police Commissioner in KMC and then to Yundum police. 
The Public Order Act of The Gambia requires political parties to apply for permit from permit from the police inorder to use public address systems – loudspeakers – in their rallies. 
However, opposition parties are being denied permit by the police. For instance, Mr Femi Peters of United Democratic Party was last year arrested, detained, prosecuted, convicted and sentenced to one year mandatory jail term after his party held a political rally without permit. The police denied his party permit. 
Meanwhile, the denial of permit to GMC, the latest political party, could be described as yet another political blockade for the party. 
Mai Fatty, GMC leader’s parent were recently arrested and detained by Basse police after some supporters put up the party’s flags in his home village.


Source:dailynews.gm

23 March 2011

Gambia News:Where is Youssef Ezzidine? No Answer Yet!

There is no answer yet to the whereabouts of Youssef Ezzidine, who was convicted of treason and sentenced to death together with seven others on 15 July, 2010. All eight of them appealed their conviction and sentence, but Ezzidine has failed to appear at the hearing of the appeal for the fifth consecutive time. 
During President Jammeh’s meeting with media heads on Wednesday 16 March 2011, he asserted that public servants are free to give information to satisfy the public interest. In the Editorial of Foroyaa 18-20 March 2011 it was indicated that the Managing Editor of Foroyaa will visit the Ministry of the Interior on Monday to find out why Youssef Ezzidine is not appearing in court like the others who are in the same appeal case.
The Managing Editor did visit the Ministry on Monday but was told upon enquiry at the reception that the permanent secretary had travelled. He then asked for the Minister of the Interior but he was told that he was at a workshop. Thereafter he asked for the Deputy Permanent Secretary but was told that the DPS was at a workshop. He wanted to leave a message with the secretary but was told by the lady at the reception that she too had gone to the workshop. Finally, he wanted to leave a message with the lady at the reception but she advised him to return on the following day.
On the following day, the Managing Editor called the Deputy Permanent Secretary and explained to her that he had been there the day before and since the Permanent Secretary had travelled he would like to find out from her about the non-appearance of Youssef Ezzidine in court. The DPS asked the Managing Editor to go over to the Ministry and when the Managing Editor asked when he can do the DPS told him he could come next Friday, when the Permanent Secretary would have returned.
This is how matters stand regarding the Ezzidine issue. We will keep our readers informed about developments. 



Source:foroyaa.gm

Burkina Faso: No to Compaoré’s repression

By Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste

Taking note of the people’s uprisings across North Africa, the Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste of Burkina Faso denounces the repression of President Blaise Compaoré's regime.


At a time when the people of Tunisia and Egypt have driven the dictators Ben Ali and Mubarak out of their countries, the people of sub-Saharan Africa should not be forgotten and must be supported. The people of Burkina Faso, ‘the country of honest men’ (the name given to them by the revolutionary Thomas Sankara), have been fighting for weeks against the regime which, since 1987, has prevented Burkina Faso from living in freedom and dignity. This regime is that of Blaise Compaoré, who recently won the November 2010 presidential elections with more than 80.15 per cent of the vote.

Implicated in the murder of Thomas Sankara and dashing the hopes of an entire continent – which were carried by this worthy son of Africa who dared say no to imperialism – the regime of Blaise Compaoré is also responsible for the death of journalist Norbert Zongo in December 1998, a crime which remains unpunished to this day and every year is denounced by the Burkinabe. Many other sons and daughters of the land of honest men have lost their lives in the resistance against this unjust regime, whose only weapons are fashioned of the destabilisation in the sub-region, particularly Liberia and Côte d'Ivoire. Nevertheless, Blaise Compaoré has managed to fashion himself as an African mediator. With the support of countries like France, the good student of Françafrique and the IMF (International Monetary Fund) thought he could hold on until the next farcical election. 

The day after the death by torture of the young Justin Zongo on 20 February 2011, violent demonstrations in Koudougou left two dead while the regime attempted to cover up the murder of Justin Zongo by proclaiming he had died of meningitis. But the demonstrations are growing, and the only response by the system is the unjust repression that has led to two new deaths, bringing the number of Burkinabe youth killed while demanding justice to six. Since then, the Burkinabe have taken to the streets every day, while Blaise Compaoré continues to repress his people, who are only demanding one thing: that justice be done. The demonstration on Friday 11 March organised by the ANAB (National Association of Students of Burkina – Ouagadougou) was severely repressed in turn, injuring several people. The regime has since closed all schools until further notice while soldiers and police roam the capital. It also appears that a militant of the Union for Resistance/Sankarist Party (UNITE/PS) was arrested by the gendarmerie at Kaya on 11 March 2011.

The NPA (Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste), in this period of struggle against dictatorships, corruption and injustice:

- Expresses its solidarity with our arrested comrades
- Denounces the behaviour of the Burkinabe authorities, who have grown accustomed to the harassment of opposition forces
- Supports the youth of Burkina Faso in their fight against injustice
- Calls on the youth, democratic parties and social movements in Africa and around the world to continue to mobilise to shed light on the assassination of Norbert Zongo and the young Justin Zongo
- Calls for justice for Thomas Sankara, assassinated 15 October 1987 during the coup d’état that brought Blaise Compaoré to power.

SOURCE: PAMBAZUKA NEWS 

Gambia News: Jammeh to news media: I set limits on press freedom



Last week, Gambian President Yahya Jammeh participated in a rare meeting with select members of the West African nation's press corps. Jammeh spoke in favor of access to public information. He announced that he would allow The Standard newspaper to resume publication, five months after the National Intelligence Agency forced its editor, Sheriff Bojang, to halt production. But the president largely lashed out at the Gambian private press and critics of his repressive media policies in the meeting, a tense session that was broadcast on state television. Jammeh, a former army captain who seized power in a 1994 coup, spoke in a harsh and contemptuous tone as he addressed media owners invited to the State House in the capital, Banjul.
"If anybody thinks that this is a mere public relations stunt, you're mistaken," Jammeh told journalists and a few officials present. "What you perceive as a reality is not reality," he said, chastising journalists for portraying the image that "Yahya Jammeh is a monster, he's a dictator, he's a killer, that Gambia is not a place for journalists.'" He insisted that he was not hostile to the press. "You think I'm stupid? I don't like the press, I don't like the freedom of press and I allow newspapers? I want to tell you that we're not your enemies," he said. "You have to a positive role to play in national development, peace, and stability."
The president was quick to narrow the scope of press freedom. "If you're interested in development, you want peace and stability, then you don't have anything to fear from me." But press freedom has limits, Jammeh said, and it is he who sets those limits. "One freedom I will never give you is the freedom, the liberty to write whatever you want that you know is not true. There is press freedom, but there's no freedom to lie."  
He added: "If I have to close any newspaper because you have violated the laws, I will close it. ... I will not billahi wallahi, sacrifice the interests, the peace and stability and well-being of the Gambian people at the altar of freedom of expression, or freedom of press, or freedom of movement or freedom of whatever."
At times, Jammeh appeared to contradict himself. "Sensationalism in journalism will not be accepted. Tell me one country where there's no law on libel," he said before declaring, "There's no section that criminalizes speech. I don't know where you got that from but as far as I am concerned, there's no law that says that you can be taken to court and charged with a criminal offense for speech." At least two of the journalists present--Pap Seine and Sam Sarr--could attest to the presence and use of such laws: They were jailed on criminal sedition charges in connection with a 2009 press release critical of Jammeh's comments on the unsolved murder of editor Deyda Hydara.
Again last week, Jammeh disputed any government responsibility in the Hydara case, as well as in the case of Ebrima "Chief" Manneh, a reporter who disappeared after being arrested in 2007. "I will not kill anyone outside of the law," he said. "You see, if I have to cut the heads of 10,000 people to save 1 million, I will do so with happiness, but on the condition that they have been sentenced by a court of law." He went on to repeat: "We will not kill anyone clandestinely." 
Yet Jammeh referenced Manneh's case as a "death," and suggested the journalist might have disappeared after attempting to illegally migrate to Europe or America. The statement implied knowledge of Manneh's fate that has not been disclosed publicly and that runs contrary to his administration's repeated public statements. In a letter to Jammeh on Monday, CPJ called on the president to clarify his reference to Manneh's "death" and fully disclose the government's knowledge of the case.
"In all previous public comments, administration officials have consistently denied any knowledge of Manneh's detention, whereabouts, or legal status," CPJ's letter said. "Those comments were made despite sightings of Manneh in government custody after his 2007 arrest. Government denials were also issued in response to a June 2008 ruling by the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States, which found sufficient evidence to conclude Gambian authorities had improperly detained Manneh."
Jammeh had some words of warning for the assembled journalists, accusing some of being "mouthpiece of opposition parties." His words apparently chilled initial press coverage of the meeting; all the leading newspapers omitted the president's comments on the Hydara and Manneh cases.