08 April 2011

Gambia News: Rights Activist -Jammeh is a ‘brutal dictator who wants to cling to power by all means’


Edwin Nebolisa


Sentenced to six months in prison after falling foul of Gambia’s Jammeh government, democracy and human rights activist Edwin Nebolisa talks to Pan-African Visions’ Ajong Mbapndah about his ordeal


Jailing and deporting Edwin Nebolisa may not be the good riddance of a nuisance as the Government of President Yaya Jammeh thought. Far from keeping quiet, the prison ordeal described by Nebolisa as inhuman has greatly fortified him in his crusade for democracy, human rights and good governance in Africa. It is this crusade that led him to create the civil society organisation Africa in Democracy and Good Governance with Head Quarters in the Gambia.

The activities of his organisation and the outspokenness of Nebolisa landed him in the bad books of the Jammeh government and the result was a six month prison sentence “for providing false information to a public official in March 2010. Jailed in September of last year, Mr Nebolisa was released in January 2011 and deported from The Gambia to his native Nigeria.

As gruelling as the prison experience may have been, Mr Nebolisa tells Pan-African Visions’ Ajong Mbapndah that he feels stronger than ever and what he went through only justifies the need for Africans to be more engaged in the struggle to entrench democracy and better respect for human rights across the continent. The determination of Nebolisa is clearly seen when asked about the assessment of human rights in the continent and the future of Africa in governance and democracy. Nebolisa says much still has to be done.

President Yaya Jammeh, who many do not know besides the fact that he claims to cure HIV/AIDS and frequently changes his names, is described by Nebolisa as a brutal dictator who wants to cling to power by all means. The Judiciary yields to the dictates of Jammeh Nebolisa says and free and fair trials are inexistent when it comes to political issues.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: Mr. Nebolisa you recently got released from prison in Gambia, so why were you imprisoned in the first place?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: I was accused of giving false information to the office of the president, that African Democracy organisation and Good Governance (ADGG) is a non governmental organisation and seeks the nomination of Ms. Mariama Jammeh daughter of the president as ADGG/WWSF Geneva general ambassador, known same to be false. It was later amended to giving false information to a public officer. This was exactly how their charge sheet read.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: Prior to your imprisonment had you had any issues with the authorities in Gambia?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Yes indeed, 2009 was the worst year for me and my organisation in the Gambia; prior to my imprisonment I had suffered a series of arrests and detentions without trial by the notorious national intelligence agency. This was also due to my interviews with various local and international medias, including the BBC Network Africa on series about the Gambia, ADG press releases and petitioning of various government departments for grave human rights violations; and of course our biannual magazine which had been critical of the government human rights records. In September 2009, Jammeh promised to cut off the head of all human rights activists if they did not leave the country.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: So how was the judicial process, did you have a lawyer, can you describe the trial process for us, was there anything in it you considered fair?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: In the first place we must understand that the Gambia is an authoritarian state with a democratic setting only in theory. In today’s Gambia, everything revolves around one person, President Jammeh. The ruling party, government institutions and all the fundamentals of the state revolve around him alone with hardly any distinction between them. Jammeh systemically neutralized the powers of the judiciary and parliament thereby rendering them ineffective. He frequently sacks judges, other judicial workers and at times even parliamentarians within his ruling APRC without due process of the law. My charge was trump up and thus I do not expect any fair process because there are no independent judiciary/judges, though I had one of the best lawyers in the Gambia that absolutely had no meaning. In the Gambia unlike anywhere else in the world, the judges are the real prosecutors, before the trial they will first find you guilty. This is even more worst with the Nigerian mercenaries that Jammeh imported into the Gambia to carry out his dirty work of using the court to silenced his critics in the event he is unable to abduct and assassinate them without public knowledge.

Getting a Nigerian as a chief justice of the Gambia and a host of Nigerian Judges, Magistrates and State Counsel was a very important and strategic move by the tyrant Yaya Jammeh.

- First, it will help to shut the eyes and mouth of the Nigerian government because they will see it as a great honour and thereby shutting their eyes and mouth in the face of egregious crimes against humanity even when it involves her citizens;
- Secondly, it helps Jammeh to seek for increased financial aid and more support in technical assistance from the Federal Government at the expense of the Nigerian tax payers’ money;
- And thirdly, these are the only people that can carry out Jammeh’s dirty works without conscience at the expense of their career and reputation just for some few tokens of the dollar.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: How were the prison conditions, where you tortured were there a lot of political prisoners that in the jails?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: It was a terrible place, in fact, one can sum it up as a deliberate slaughter house; it also made me to appreciate some certain things, during my incarceration I had the opportunity to speak with some officers and older inmates who gave me terrifying informations about the way the prison is been operated and how people are silently killed with their foods being poisoned or injected; and there is no coroner’s inquest to ascertain the cause of death before burial. The prison is over crowded coupled with lack of medication and poor feeding which can also be attributed to one of the reasons for a high death rate that frequently occurs. I was tortured mentally, I was denied access to my visitors which was a gross violation of my rights and it contravenes the prison codes.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: So one of the precursors to your woes was writing a letter asking President Jammeh to make his daughter a good will Ambassador of the Africa in Democracy and Good Governance NGO you head. Why did you do that and what is it the President’s daughter did to deserve the honour?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: You know there is a popular adage that says ‘when you want to kill a dog, you now give the dog a bad name in order for you to be able to kill it’, there is this annual event of world day for the prevention of child abuse and violence against children in synergy with the international year of the child which was initiated by Women’s World Summit Foundation (WWSF – Geneva) since the year 2000, which ADG became a partner only in 2007. The programme encourages local initiatives. So, our 2009 initiative was to create greater awareness which was a huge success.

It was a committee that was set up that nominates all the personalities which includes the daughter of the president. The reason behind her nomination was that each year she took some gifts to the SOS Children’s village which was clearly stated in the letter that we wrote to her; moreover, we did not write any letter to the president or his office as they claimed, rather we wrote to Mariama herself in-care of her mother, Zainab.

Before the celebration of the week long programme in question, there was series of electronic and print media adverts; we were given a march-past permit by the Inspector General of Police, the march-past was led by the Army band which service we paid for; one of the recipients of the award was ASP Yamundow Jagne-Joof, the officer-in-charge of the child welfare unit at the police headquarter. The programme was covered and aired by the Gambia Radio and Television Services (GRTS) which is a state owned and the only television service in the country, various media also covered and published it. If all these things took place, so where is the false information and who is that person that it was given to, that never appeared in court?

They knew quite alright that there was nothing against me that was the reason they never tendered the said letter as evidence against me in court.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: What kind of leader would you say President Jammeh is, little is heard about him apart from claims that he can cure HIV/AIDS and not much is known either about Gambia, how will you describe the country?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Jammeh is a brutal dictator who wants cling to power by any means necessary even if it means to wipe away Gambians, this is one man that controls all three arms of government, he is gradually grabbing all the lands in the Gambia; systematically using his people as mordern day slaves by making them labour in his farms without recourse to salaries or allowance.

His claim of curing HIV/AIDS and other diseases are all false.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: The African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights is based in Gambia In the face of what you have been through, are there any other avenues you are seeking to get redress?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Yes, I intend to challenge it before the Ecowas Court of Justice sitting in the Nigerian Capital, Abuja. The African Commission are sluggish and the method of their procedures so frustrating; their decisions are not binding and in most cases not respected.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: Did human rights groups like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch come to your defence?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: The rapid responds by human rights families was overwhelming. Amnesty International, Frontline Defenders, Media Foundation for West Africa, IFEX, Elomah, Civicus, Lokarri, Foroyya Newspaper, BBC News, Radio France International and a whole lots of others that am unable to mention here. Their hard campaigns and petitions is the very reason why am alive today, because it is just like me being thrown into the lion’s deen and you know what that means.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: How does this sordid experience affect your sustained work in human rights and democracy?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: It does not affect me personally because it help to raise my moral and credentials but rather it hampers the work of the organisation, for us to be on our feet again, it needs a lot of finances and time.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: What is your assessment of democracy and human rights in the continent and what next for Africa in Governance and Democracy?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Available evidence indicates that many of the new democratic regimes remain fragile and some of the euphoria of the early 1990s had evaporated. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, the authoritarianism and statism of the early post-independence years was in retreat, and, where it persisted, was vigorously contested in a context in which democratic aspirations were firmly implanted in popular consciousness and the pluralization of associational life was an integral part of the political landscape. It was indeed a mark of the changed times that, whereas previously development had been regarded as a prerequisite of democracy, now democracy is seen as indispensable for development.

The challenges confronting Africa's democratic experiments are many and complex and include entrenching constitutionalism and the reconstruction of the postcolonial state; ensuring that the armed forces are permanently kept out of politics, instituting structures for the effective management of natural resources; promoting sustainable development and political stability; nurturing effective leadership, and safeguarding human rights and the rule of law.

In Africa, as elsewhere, democratic government and respect for human rights are closely linked. Democracy is the best means the world has produced to protect and advance human rights, based on individual freedom and dignity. In turn, respect for human rights is the only means by which a democracy can sustain the individual freedom and dignity that enables it to endure.

Despite some improvements in some parts of the continent, Africa remains the site of very serious human rights problems. For example, in Sudan, the armed conflict in Darfur continues amidst the international arrest warrant issued for President Omar El Bashir and the dismal human rights situation shows no signs of improvement. Both government and rebels commit horrendous abuses. In Somalia, the civil war continues unabated and the human rights situation goes on deteriorating; the civilian population has been the ultimate victim, and more recently the political unrest in North Africa. The ousting of democratically elected presidents and intention to change the constitution for a third bid by some leaders is tantamount to constitutional coup d’état that is eating the continent like cankerworms. Only a handful of countries that hold the regular multi-party elections in Africa are rated as free, and in line with international and regional standards.

In addition, most of the countries in Africa operate ‘semi-authoritarian regimes’ because they have the facade of democracy; that is, they have political systems, they have all the institutions of democratic political systems, they have elected parliaments, and they hold regular elections. They have nominally independent judiciaries. They have constitutions that are by and large completely acceptable as democratic institutions--but there are, at the same time, very serious problems in the functioning of the democratic system. Semi-authoritarian regimes are very good at holding multi-party elections while at the same time making sure that the core power of the government is never going to be affected. In other words, they are going to hold elections, but they are not--the regime is not going to lose those elections. Semi-authoritarian regimes intimidate voters, as it happened in Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya and Zimbabwe. Semi-authoritarian regimes manipulate state institutions for self-ends—governments don’t respect the laws, and don’t work through institutions. Semi-authoritarian regimes amend constitutions anytime they want.

Semi-authoritarian regimes will not introduce fully participatory, competitive elections that may result in their loss of power, and some are even unsure of how far they really want to go toward political pluralism in their countries. African politics in generally speaking is a matter of personality, not programs. For example, during the Obasanjo administration the prevailing idea was that the president was the father of the nation, the big man, or Kabiyesi, which means king, that is, no one dared question his authority.

A strong and effective democratic process should be able to establish a functioning administrative structure; and address the issue of how leaders are chosen; the issue of how different institutions relate to each other; the issues of how officials should act, for example, how the judiciary should act, the independence of the judiciary from other branches of government, and the problem of how the decisions that are taken by these democratic institutions can be implemented.

To move Africa forward, emerging democratic governments would have to confront a legacy of poverty, illiteracy, militarization, and underdevelopment produced by incompetent or corrupt governments. The syndrome of personal dictatorships and the winner-take-all practice as we continue to witness would need to be addressed, and there must be full respect for human rights; constitutional government and the rule of law; transparency in the wielding of power, and accountability of those who exercise power.

The basic rule of the democracy game is that the winners do not forever dislodge the losers. It is important for the consolidation of democracy that losers believe in the system and think that they can get back into the game. African governments must create an enabling environment in which traditions and values of the constitution will be able to take root and where rights and duties are set out. In this process, the separation of powers must be facilitated. Government must allow institutions to work and must allow citizens to exercise their rights, to live in accordance with their religious beliefs and cultural values, without interference. The legal order must be based on human rights, societal awareness of the instrumental and intrinsic values of democracy, a competent state, and a culture of tolerance.

Democracy requires that those who have authority use it for the public good; a democratic system of government begins by recognizing that all members of society are equal. People should have equal say and equal participation in the affairs of government and decision making in society, because, in the final analysis, government exists to serve the people; the people do not exist to serve government. In other words, governments must enhance individual rights and not stifle their existence. Repressive laws on many African countries’ statute books against personal liberty and habeas corpus must be removed from the statute books.

In most African countries, a tremendous amount of information does not circulate beyond a small portion of the urban population, owing to illiteracy, language barriers, and costs. Because the individual ignorance of personal rights and understanding of what democracy means has encouraged authoritarianism in Africa, political education at the grass roots is necessary. If a genuine democracy is to become a reality in Africa, the participation of the masses has to be sought by politicians, and not bought by manipulators. Politicians should try to understand what the masses know, because they sometimes lack the ability to articulate their interests and grievances. However, politicians also should be educated about human rights and respect for the constitution. Education is crucial to the development of a culture of tolerance, which, it is hoped, would contribute immensely to the creation of an enabling environment for democracy.
We must therefore encourage citizens to learn the habits of civil disobedience on a massive scale, rather than taking up arms and ammunitions. We must encourage people to go out and demonstrate peacefully, to show their opinion regarding issues, because eliminating the culture of fear is crucial to our democratic growth.

Mr. Nebolisa, thanks for talking to Pan-African Visions.

EDWIN NEBOLISA: The pleasure is mine.



Source:PAMBAZUKA NEWS


This article first appeared on Pan-African Visions

07 April 2011

Gbagbo has friends in Africa.

By Barry Malone
ADDIS ABABA .South Africa, Togo and Angola are possible safe havens for Ivory Coast's besieged Laurent Gbagbo should he negotiate an exit from his West African country, African Union sources said Wednesday.
Mauritania and Gambia were also being touted as forces loyal to Mr. Gbagbo's rival, Alassane Ouattara, launched what was billed as a final assault on the presidential compound in Abidjan, where Mr. Gbagbo was hunkered down.
"South Africa has offered several times before and Togo is now indicating to us that it could be willing to take him in," a senior AU official in the Ethiopian capital said of Mr. Gbagbo's asylum choices.
"Togo is not a great option, though, as there will obviously be fears that he could cause problems and spoil peace from there -it's so close to Ivory Coast. I'm betting strongly on South Africa," added the official, who declined to be named.
Two other diplomats in Addis Ababa also said they had heard South Africa and Togo had made asylum offers, while reports circulating at AU headquarters suggested Angola as another possibility.
"Angola has always been pro-Gbagbo," said one Western diplomat.
"I think there's a good likelihood of Angola taking him in if there's a settlement. You only have to look at their history."
The United Nations said in March it was investigating suspected arms transfers to Ivory Coast in breach of an embargo, including a cargo delivery from Angola.
There were also regular reports in 2002 that Angola supplied arms including armoured vehicles to Ivory Coast when rebels tried to oust Mr. Gbagbo from the presidency.
Angola has denied that mercenaries from the country have fought for Mr. Gbagbo.
AU diplomats said Uganda was an outside bet to shelter the Ivorian strongman. This year, Yoweri Museveni, its long-serving President, attacked the United Nations for recognizing Mr. Ouattara as the election winner.
Mr. Museveni, who won his own disputed presidential poll in February and faced possible opposition protests, said there should be an investigation into the Ivory Coast poll.
Meanwhile, forces loyal to Mr. Ouattara launched a heavy and sustained attack on the bunker where Mr. Gbagbo was defying efforts to force him to surrender and leave the country. By lunchtime, the troops were inside the compound.
The former colonial power, France has taken a lead role in talks to persuade Mr. Gbagbo to hand over power to his rival Mr. Ouattara and end a four-month standoff over a November election that UNcertified results say Mr. Ouattara won.
Alain Juppé, the French Foreign Minister, who was involved in the mediation between the warring groups, said Mr. Gbagbo had "no future" and it was "absurd" for him to hang on.
"The negotiations that were carried out for hours yesterday between the entourage of Laurent Gbagbo and Ivorian authorities have failed because of Gbagbo's intransigence," he told parliament in Paris.
Mr. Gbagbo refused to sign a UN document acknowledging Mr. Ouattara had won the election.
"I do not recognize the victory of Ouattara. Why would you want me to sign this?" he told France's LCI news channel. "We are not at the negotiating stage. And my departure from where? To go where? For peace to return to Ivory Coast, I and Ouattara, the two of us, have to talk."
Mr. Gbagbo's spokesman said the assault on his residence, where he was thought to be accompanied by his wife Simone and some of his seven children and stepchildren, was an attempt by France to "assassinate" him.
But a spokesman for proOuattara forces said Mr. Gbagbo would be handed over to Mr. Ouattara.
"We are going to his residence to fetch him and put an end to this comedy. This charade must end because the country is collapsing," he said.
Source: National Post

03 April 2011

Gambia News:Gambia's opposition Leader SIDIA takes on President Jammeh

WHO IS FOR OR AGAINST THE 1997 CONSTITUTION? SIDIA takes on President Jammeh
I want to begin by saying that the 1997 Constitution is the Constitution for the Republic and those who care to know what was happening during the period, knew that there were people who were opposed to the 1997 Constitution and were calling it a military Constitution and asked people to vote against it. But there were other people who worked day and night to make sure that people voted for it and I have evidence of what I am trying to say here.
When the draft constitution was being drafted, those who cared to defend the Republic contributed to the drafting of that Constitution, some as individuals and some as institutions; and this document entitled The Judicial Foundation Of The Second Republic contributed to the drafting of the Constitution, and when it eventually came out Mr Speaker, we took it upon ourselves to explain what exactly it meant. We serialized it chapter by chapter and simplified it for people to understand so that when they come to vote, they would know what they are voting for. These are the series of booklets we published from book one to book twelve.
All that was done because in our view, a referendum will not be a referendum if people don’t know what they are voting for. That is why we prepared the ground for the referendum and when the referendum was about to be held, Mr Speaker, the first two weeks, the slogan was ‘vote no’. Some were told that they should vote no because that’s the only way they could dispense with the military and that was their understanding of the issue. We took the ground in two weeks and in two weeks, we changed the situation from ‘no’ to a ‘yes’ slogan and indeed the referendum succeeded. Those who care to know what was happening and who was doing what in that period, will understand what i am saying.
So the 1997 constitution was indeed the work of the Gambian people. All those who cared to live in a republic and all those who cared to defend fundamental rights and freedoms, which is contained in book four of our series will understand what I am saying.
So if anybody wants to know who contributed what to the draft Constitution, please read this document, Views On The Judicial Foundation Of The Second Republic and then you will understand the struggle that was waged to make sure that the 1997 constitution was voted for because we wanted a republic.
It is different from the 1970 Constitution and the president looked at me and said you should have retained the 1970 Constitution and of course we were opposed to the 1970 Constitution because it has monarchical provisions and some of these have now been transferred into 1997 Constitution. But I will not go into that because some of you know them and that maybe it could be taken again at another time. Mr Speaker, I thought it is important for me to say this because what the president was saying the other day was misleading.
The Constitution is not an AFPRC or APRC Constitution. It is the Constitution of the Republic of The Gambia. Some of us had sleepless night. He explained how he left Basse and was in Tallinding to gather all the materials he needed to sensitise people the same day. “So it was not easy for us to have the 1997 Constitution. I know how it came about,” he continued.
At this stage, the Speaker interrupted and asked whether Sidia was part of the AFPRC? In response Sidia said he wasn’t because they the AFPRC were opposed to the Constitution. That’s the reality for anybody who cares to know the objective situation, please go back to the archives and read newspapers at that time. You will know who was for and who was against. They were against it! Circumstances forced them to accept it but their slogan was ‘no election’.
At this stage National Assembly member Sulayman Joof, Member for Serre Kunda West rose to question who he was referring to when he mentioned “they.”Sidia asked him whether he was asking him a question? In response, AM Joof said he need to know whom Sidia is referring to when he said we were for and they were against. Who were they? I cannot keep on saying AFPRC and that is why the pronouncement ‘they’ came into being. They is referring to AFPRC finish! You want repetition. So that’s it. This is our Constitution. It is not owned by anybody. Anybody who was interested in having a Republic in the Gambia worked for it. This is our proof… if you go to records of newspapers at the time from 1994 to pre 1996. Please read newspapers of that period and then if you see the opposite of what I am saying, come to me, I will accept what you have. 



Source:Foroyaa.gm

Gambia News:Gambia and Libya, what Yahya Jammeh is hiding! Must read.

By Essa Bokarr Sy


The axis of three countries revolving around conflict of interet: Senegal, Gambia and Libya, what  Yahya Jammeh is hiding!


We have just heard about a Yahya Jammeh  transporting Senegalese in to Dakar from Libya but there is never a gesture by Yahya without any strings or price attached!  Never will that happen in  life. In that case I will dismantle  everything he tries to push. Why block this aspect from the sub-critical regime in Banjul? Because it feeds on the  diet of snakes! The approach that was taken by Yahya and his disciples on this case, covers another portion that serves as a trap! He may not succeed as long as I’m here watching his hypocritical  actions in earnest.
To better understand the thinking of President Jammeh  we will address this issue by asking the following questions. … Therefore provide answers with references through professional judgments. Our sources are worthy some of them are  coming from Libya, America and England.

First: Who is Musa Kusa for the regime for  Yahya Jammeh?
Musa Kasa is the former Director of Intelligence  Services of the regime of Al Muamar Qadaffi. He is now the minister of Foreign Affairs of Libya. This guy has very close links with the Jammeh regime through the contacts  which were established Baba Jobe. Baba is currently jailed in  Mile Two because Jammeh does not want him to reveal the secrets between Banjul and Tripoli. As soon as Jammeh took power assistance from the Western world was cut off. So it is Baba Jobe, who pledged his allegiance to the despot therefore connected some dots between Jammeh and Qadaffi through his close confidant  Musa Kasa.  Baba Jobe grew up in Libya therefore was a good friend of Kasa for obvious reasons.  To start with, Jammeh  received
$300,000.00 in cash which was handed to Captain Jallow and Baba Jobe at Musa Kusa’s residence in Libya(1995). Jammeh who was afraid of the regime of Dakar suddenly took the opportunity thus  was eager to be armed  by Libya. First he had received catalogs from Kasa so that he  could determine what he wanted as weapons. That is how he began  receiving heavy arms from Tripoli. It was well before Tehran’s side of the story came in along these same lines.  During the first meeting  Kasa expressed deep concerns regarding the future of the Jammeh regime. Libya was just not comfortable vis-à-vis the regime’s survival because in their minds Jammeh looked more like the Sierra Leonean rebels than a serious head of state. Haven’t they proven right? Of course yes! Lest we forget about the drugs and other scandalous issues which have been surrounding Jammeh’s image for the past 17 years!
 Who is Mukhataar Ghanass for Jammeh?
Mukhtaar was the director of MATABA training center, being a place where  the mercenaries who were fighting in Liberia and other countries like Cote D’Ivoire now were trained. This gentleman is the person who had established links between Jammeh and Charles Taylor in Liberia during the war. Then President Jammeh and Captain Jallow used international satelite  cellular sets when communicating to other parties outside of The Gambia especially when him(Jammeh) wanted to escape being heard(eaves dropping and the like). Jallow can reconfirm this. There was a direct line between Jammeh and Charles Taylor. Taylor was at the time in the bush as he did not prefer  being located or traced localized by wiretapping that was underway. That is  exactly why Taylor was a guest of honor of President Jammeh in 1995. I was personally attached to the delegation of Charles Taylor by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a protocol. During this visit Taylor offered Jammeh to use his own aircraft to effect a short visit to Guinea Bissau. Well, these comings and goings of Yaya Jammeh were simply meant  to fortify his regime against Dakar during the era of President Diouf. On the other side he got closer to General Ansumana Manneh and Sadio adding these two and their loyalists to  mercenaries from Liberia. Much of these mercenaries were from Gambia. Charles Taylor’s Ambassador to Tripoli was a Gambian.
The latter made a lot of things easier for President Jammeh within the circle of Qadaffi ‘s regime in Libya. President Jammeh therefore  was doing everything he could imagine  to  fortify himself against the Senegalese army. That is, in case the latter wanted to  destabilize his regime. President Jammeh will never defend the contrary or say he did not  benefit from  Libyan aid  thus help him  deal with a possible attack on his regime from Dakar. In the same vein he organized himself to nourish the rebellion in Casamance.
Yahya Jammeh with the help of Libya also created a movement referred to as ‘July 22nd movement’, this movement is the Achilles heel of the NIA. (National Intelligence Agency).
And some agents of this organization OPERATE at the  Dakar International airport while at the same time the others are found within the circle of the MFDC.
President Jammeh has lied about the issue of the “LOKERBIE-PANAM AIRLINE ”
In a  very bitter speech  against the regime of  Qadaffi  President Yahya Jammeh lied,saying  that it was him who convinced Qadaffi to reimburse the victims of Pan Am Airlines. The President of Gambia  is a liar at higher level! He never organized a meeting on this fact nor did he begin to solve this problem. The case was settled by  Musa Kusa himself during a trip in  England in collaboration with officials or elements of security services from one  western country (I will not divulge the names for security reasons that are against Yahya in person). Yahya Jammeh on his part said that  Libya’s Ambassador to the UN should have been insulting what he calls the “whites” His Excellency  Dhorda was in New York (between 1997-1999) as the  emissary of Libya while the Gambia was a non-permanent member at security council. Today it is the same person who returns around telling us lies about this. I have been at the united nations for that matter I am more informed than Jammeh on this dossier so I will not let people likeYahya Jammeh,  mislead Gambian and Senegalese on a subject so important and delicate like this one!
Before ending this message I will ask the Senegalese GOVERNMENT  the following questions.
Yahya Jammeh insulted  Qadaffi two weeks ago, when Dakar did not do the same thing. However in all that he sneaked into Libya then  loaded a plane with Senegalese and Gambians without any incident? While Qadaffi is still angry with him? How can he do that without enjoying the special relations which exists  between him and his former friend Musa Kusa? We must dig into this thing! We are there in the event that you want to know more about the above points referenced here above! Never ever avoid verifying anything being done or said by Yahya Jammeh because he fabricates stories and he can be manipulative for very dangerous reasons!
Even if the whole world was to support him on anything I would still re-verify before jumping into his bandwagon. Dakar will one day see why I never support Yahya’s actions.

02 April 2011

Gambia News: Press Release :Gambia Pro-Democracy Group Launched

PRESS RELEASE
                                                                          
The Coalition for Change -The Gambia (CCG), a civil, human and political rights organization, which brings together a cross-section of the Gambian community at home and abroad, has been launched.  The group is a non-partisan organization established to challenge the dictatorship and restore basic freedoms in TheGambia through nonviolent action.

The Coalition's formation is necessitated by the repressive political environment in which Gambians find themselves. Virtually all avenues of orderly political change have been shut by a despot determined to cling on to power by any means necessary.

Under normal circumstances, the CCG would have been registered with authority to engage in peaceful protests, submit grievances to the authorities, and hope that they would act to redress them.  But The Gambia’s story the past sixteen years has been all but conducive to the free expression of ideas. The political atmosphere in the country is extremely toxic for media practitioners, and journalists who dare criticize President Yahya Jammeh face risks ranging from arrest and prolonged detention to death.  To add insult to injury, political parties are routinely denied permission to hold public meetings and leaders who dare defy Yahya Jammeh's orders face arrest and jail.

Despite the repression, corruption and economic hardship Gambians are faced with, no one dares organize peaceful political protests against the regime. The last time peaceful protests were organized in April 2000, at least 14 innocent young students were gunned down by security agents. Additionally, opposition leaders have been rounded up only to be released after languishing in detention for exercising their democratic rights.  No institution or interest group is safe from the regime’s overreach. As a result, Gambians have by and large succumbed to fear as a result of the regime's ruthlessness.

CCG is calling on all groups and individuals from every sector of the community, in The Gambia and abroad, to join us in the struggle to dislodge the dictator from the helm in order to restore democracy and the rule of law. It is a challenge we must overcome. Members of the security services are particularly encouraged to join the struggle to save the dignity and honour of their profession.

And with the regime's total control of the media, CCG will employ a combination of social media and setting up of an FM station, Radio Free Gambia.  These mediums will be used to spread CCG’s messages before embarking on peaceful marches designed to end Jammeh's reign of terror.  Information about specific venues and actions to be taken will be provided as the situation warrants. 

CCG members are bound together by a common objective of ending TheGambia’s dictatorship and as well as the climate of fear that has so consumed Gambian society. 
The CCG calls on the regime to immediately:

·        Repeal laws that unduly restrict freedom of expression
·        Ensure equal access to public media for all political establishments
·        Organize a referendum to institute Presidential term limits
·        Free all political prisoners
·        End the arbitrary arrests, detentions, torture and murders
·        Investigate all mysterious deaths and disappearances
·        Respect freedom of assembly

We pray for success and look forward with hope for the support and participation of all Gambians in this noble and daunting task.

CONTACTS:
(2)   TWITTER: @ChangeGambia, @KomboMansa, @theGambiaVoice
(3)   Face-book group: Coalition for Change – The Gambia

Issued in Banjul, The Gambia, April 2nd, 2011. (CCG).