Africa: A brief introduction to the study of bureaucracies in Sub-Saharan Africa

By Mathew K Jallow

For democratic systems and institutions of democracy to flourish, it is necessary and imperative to have an efficient and effective public bureaucracy. This research paper discusses at length the failures and opportunities of African bureaucracies, and what governments there need to do to achieve social and economic empowerment for their citizens.  It is clear from all available research that effective public policies cannot be defined, articulated and implemented in the absence of bureaucratic systems that are transparent, competent and accountable. Efficient and competent public bureaucracies are a prerequisite for the effective administration of the rule of law, unbiased dispensation of justice, empowerment of the people, the equal treatment, and affording equal opportunities to all citizens without regard to tribe or political or religious affiliation. Since the attainment of political independence over sixty years ago, countries in Sub-Saharan African have experienced an overwhelming increase in the number of public bureaucrats (First, 1972). Newly independent African governments moved rapidly to replace the departing colonial administrators with native-born bureaucrats.

For the most part, newly installed administrators had only secondary level education and the majority held junior and middle level administrative positions under the colonial administrations. Most, therefore, lacked the knowledge and the skills of the departing colonialists (Ayittey, 1998). The process of hiring these native-born bureaucrats to replace the departing colonial administrators became widely and suitably referred to as Africanization. The rapid growth of the bureaucracy throughout Africa gave rise to an influential new class who, like their colonial predecessors, also aspired to a higher social and economic status. They, therefore, soon began to acquire corporate interests in positions they held, and moved rapidly to consolidate their hold on power in order to acquire and accumulate capital and wealth. In time, this self-interest caused a wide chasm to develop between the governing and the governed, which in the process, redefined the Weberan theory of bureaucracy from one in which the public was the beneficiary of public goods and services, to one that benefited only a small privileged class. The result is that even today, in most Africa countries, the government is perceived by the ruling elites as a vehicle to rob and terrorize the citizenry (Ayittey, 1998).

African bureaucrats have been described by Professor Ayittey as artificial and comprising degreed and non-degreed bandits, who are out of touch with the people, operate through deception and abuse of power, and are perennially locked in combat with them. The new administrative system that emerged out of post-independence African defined new governance rules that observed no rule of law, no accountability, and presided over chaotic governments. Professor Ayittey observed that the tragedy in which government institutions became virtual properties of the ruling class, precluded institutionalization of good governance and ensured that government bureaucracies ran predatory states, which subverted the agenda of social and economic development for the majority poor. A consequence of this system of governance is the emergence of corruption, embezzlement, capital flight, increased poverty, and tribalism, which continue to suck the continent deep into the vortex of internal conflicts, administrative failures and increasing violent political implosions. The absence of accountability in government has exacerbated the problems of good governance, while the lack of skilled, knowledgeable and dedicated public administrators has ensured that open and endemic corruption is bankrupting African countries and creating a climate that continues to cause widespread social upheavals across the continent.

In an effort to put corruption in Africa in the proper perspective, Transparency International, in its 2005 survey, lamented the poor performance of African countries on the Corruption Progress Index (T I Report, 2005). The survey implicated endemic corruption as the primary cause of poverty in Africa and the major impediment to good governance, the establishment of democratic institutions, and social stability. The Global Forum on Fighting Corruption, another good governance watchdog, declared that corruption threatened democracy, economic growth and the rule of law (Global Forum on Fighting Corruption Report, 2005). The major problem in Africa is that the governing elites lack the sense of patriotism, focusing instead on their own self-interest, as they loot the resources meant to bring change and economic development in their countries. This brought about the widespread social and economic malaise facing the African continent. This research study also attempts to understand the reasons behind the continued failure of Africa to establish fully functioning democratic institutions and systems of governance with a view to promote good governance and social and economic development.

             

It should be noted that in the first decade of African independence, democratic institutions were established, but the social disconnect that emerged between the governing and governed led to the abandonment of these democratic experiments. As a result, widespread discontent and civil unrest began to manifest in various forms until finally successive military coups swept the continent leading to the ousting of democratically elected governments. The ascendancy of the military regimes at first caused hopes to rise, but reality soon set it as the new rulers began to purge the ranks of the government and competent and experienced civil servants whose loyalties they questioned. The reality of military rule began to gradually unfold as the military regimes, threatened by their tenuous hold on power, began systematic arrest, detention, torture and murder of opponents of the regimes; both real and perceived. The democratic experiment, in its infancy under elected civilian governments, were abandoned or dismantled to the chagrin of the people. And human rights protocols, to which African countries are signatories, were abrogated with impunity, leading to the further erosion of civil society rights. And with these abuses, came the repression of the press, corruption and lack of accountability, which have become the hallmark of military rule.

This study will also attempt to address issues which could facilitate a better understanding and acceptance of democratic processes and systems of governments in Africa and for its people.  The findings of the report may help reduce the prevailing culture of corruption and enable the establishment of democracy across Africa. Already, several authoritative studies have established that the failure to institutionalize good governance in Africa is the direct consequence of to the almost criminal lack of accountability, the rampant corruption, and abuse of human rights, the politicization of the military and the civil service, and the repression of the independent media. It is my hope that the report will benefit African readers and other information consumers by helping identify the causes of failure to establish good governance, while offering solutions for ways to establish democracy in Africa. Additionally, it is hoped that the report will help to educate readers about the pervasiveness of bureaucratic corruption in Africa as the primary cause of the poor governance across the continent. Sub-Saharan African countries have descended into lawless anarchies over the past five decades, at a time when the rest of the third world is experiencing dramatic changes in the way governments operate and manage their human and natural resources.

Finally, over the past decades since political independence, Africa has taken a path that has only brought misery and social alienation among its population. Military rules, which began four decades ago, have establishment dictatorships that prevent people from realizing their full potentials, and their hopes and aspirations. Democracy is imperative in the quest for justice, equity and social and economic development, and hopefully researchers, students of Africa, the African’s political leadership and citizens, will acquire information in this study that could be useful in advancing good governance and democracy in Africa. In order to understand how African governments have administered more than half-century of poor governance, the study examines the way in which African bureaucracies have functioned in the past. The failure of Africa’s government to bring about social and economic development is, therefore, directly related to the deviation from Max Weber’s ideal-type bureaucracy, and its substitution in Africa with a system of organization that promotes paternalism, self-serving individualism and diverts public resources for private purposes

Sierra Leone: Calls for the protection of Women in Politics

Chadia Talib-Bo, Southern Sierra Leone

If we (Sierra Leone) as a nation are serious about realizing the Millennium Development Goals and also about the general wellbeing of our country, we collectively must make a millennial offer. A key step in that direction is giving women due access to every sphere of society particularly so at the political arena.

Such a move will not only make women feel safe and secured, but it also will open the way for them to contribute effectively by showcasing their talents as equal partners in nation advancement.

Women must be let to exercise their God-given rights to associate, assemble and participate. They must, above all, be respected.

A core principle of democracy demands the unhindered participation of all, including women. Women’s involvement in politics does not mean merely supporting one party or the other or voting for this or that candidate. It also means having women, too, vying for political positions alongside men, and not being discriminated against based on their gender, either by the electorate or in the process of appointments to political positions.

Elections after elections we see Sierra Leonean women being relegated to performing menial chores for politicians such as cooking, singing and dancing at political rallies, campaigning and organizing meetings.

In conflict situations such as civil wars, women become primary targets for all forms of abuses, specifically because combatants viewed them as the cohesive force of society that should be crushed if they should invoke terror, weaken and defeat their enemies.

However, whenever there is genuine desire for peace-making following conflicts, warring parties consider it important to get women involved as mediators and peacemakers, knowing that they bring to the process the deep sense of humanity that is lacking in the mindset of the warring parties.

This speaks to the fact that even those who are bent on suppressing women, always, are very much aware that women’s inputs are equally essential to the success and vitality of every human community. Notwithstanding, the male-dominating political class of the world continues to ignore this fact just so to keep women at the bottom and discard them once their goals have been achieved.

Instead, the derogatory term of women being the ‘weaker sex' - structured in bogus definitions -continues to be used to classify womanhood. And, there is little effort to free the world of that patriarchal-grip, which still keeps women dependent on men, economically and otherwise.

It will be unfair not to credit the country for taking steps in empowering women especially lately with the appointments of some into leadership positions. However, that has not translated much into addressing the problems that plaque their full entry into the political realm.

A series of resolutions have been passed at various International conventions. The Elimination of all forms of Violence against Women (CEDAW-1991) and the Convention on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR) are two examples. But we are yet to see full enforcements of many of these laws. The bulk of them remain mere color-scribbling on white papers.

The United Nations defines violence against women as any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.

But words in themselves are not enough to deliver. Sierra Leone must establish a separate parliamentary committee on women’s affairs; one that also guarantees their involvement in politics. We must let actions speak.

Countries like Rwanda, Pakistan, Spain and Sweden have made tremendous strides in addressing the issue. We owe it to ourselves, to our country and to future generations. We must take the lead.

The many difficult challenges our women contend with, daily, have been sending negative signals to a great number of them particularly those who want to venture into politics.

All we need to do is ensure that women get the freedom and protection due them to participate fully in politics. And NOW is the time to act. We cannot afford to prolong the effort any further

Chadia Talib is a writer, Women’s right advocate and entrepreneur. She lives in Bo. Southern Sierra Leone.

Sierra Leone: Charles Margai violates basic tenet of the rule of law

(By Aroun R. Deen,

New York)

Charles Margai violates basic tenet of the rule of law

For any practicing lawyer, professional codes of conduct and canons of ethics dictate that compliance with the law - at all times and under every circumstance - is not a matter of choice. Any member of the legal profession who conscientiously fails to heed not only to the letter, but the spirit of the law violates this basic tenet, whether or not he is regarded as forthright, reliable, eloquent or cunning in the discharge of his duties. This – in my opinion – is exactly what a veteran lawyer in Sierra Leone, opposition politician, Charles Margai, has done in the course of an apparent land dispute with Sia Koroma, wife of the country’s President.

Specifically, Mr. Margai, a seasoned and respected member of the bench, has engaged in conduct that completely disparages the rule of law, to wit, threatening to mobilize over a thousand kamajors, members of a now disbanded civil defense militia, he claims are at his disposal, to defend him and protect the property at the heart of the dispute with the First Lady should the need arise.

The kamajors were local hunters who banded together at the beginning of the civil war to protect defenseless villages and towns in the countryside that were being brutally attacked by the ruthless Revolutionary United Front (RUF) rebels and renegade soldiers of the government known as sobels. During the course of their efforts in that campaign, the group also engaged in conducts against perceived enemies as well as civilians deemed to be gross human rights violations. These included summary executions, making them as equally feared as the RUF. The group was disbanded following the end of the war in 2002.

Leaving aside the undeniable departure from the professional conduct and probity demanded of all legal practitioners, Mr. Margai’s statement is exceedingly reckless and inflammatory at best and liable to instigate violence at the worst. Given the known excesses of the kamajors during the civil war and the unspeakable brutality and horrors visited upon Sierra Leoneans by all sides to the conflict, it is difficult to imagine that Mr. Margai did not appreciate that his comments would cause nervousness in a war-scarred population still in the process of healing; nor can one fathom how an erudite lawyer such as Mr. Margai did not recognize such comments could undermine state security.

This article is not concerned with the question of who owns the disputed land. And while it is fair to ask questions about the involvement of the First Lady in this particular row, both Mr. Margai and Mrs. Koroma are citizens of Sierra Leone with equal rights under the law, including the right to own property.

According to Mr. Margai, as a consequence of the ongoing land dispute, he has lost confidence in the legal system to protect his right to the property he claims ownership to and to defend him, should that need arise. This he claims is the reason he may need to resort to the kamajors. However, Mr. Margai is himself an active member of the bar and frequently appears in courts of the law to represent clients. Such participation in the legal system would tend to suggest some level of faith in its efficacy and the dispensation of justice.

The justice that Mr. Margai seeks via the kamajor route clearly represents gross recklessness, anarchy and lawlessness, and is liable to enflame partisans. Indeed, it has resulted in equally untenable reactions from some who are opposed to Mr. Margai’s stance. In some quarters, it has generated arguments seeking to tie the main opposition party, the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) to Mr. Margai’s attitude and conduct. Of course, his position has nothing to do with the SLPP. After all, he is considered the kingmaker of the APC government, having virtually assured their victory in the 2007 elections by breaking away from the incumbent SLPP.   

Given the brutal nature of the civil war in Sierra Leone, there is little doubt Mr. Margai’s comments have brought back painful memories and caused uneasiness in the minds of those who survived the dark period of the 1990s.

If anything, Mr. Margai’s cavalier statement leads to the question: is there an organized kamajor presence still in the country? This is something the nation deserves to know.

Even with the obvious challenge of securing a judgment in his favor in a court of law, against the spouse of the President, there is no reason for a learned and senior lawyer to eschew the rule of law and resort to what amounts to “bush justice. Moreover, in an era of increasing globalization, there are also legitimate sources at one’s disposal to seek justice outside the one’s own country. Kamajor justice, unfortunately, is not one of them.

It is now up to the laws of the land to determine whether Mr. Margai’s utterances are punishable crimes. However, it was appropriate for the police to arrest and detain him because the authorities themselves would be grossly irresponsible if they had remained silent in the face of Margai’s statement. But the authorities also must ensure that the ongoing land dispute that gave rise to this episode is properly addressed, particularly given the involvement of the First Lady. This it must do in a transparent manner without interference or threat of punishment or reprisal. Accordingly, the rights of the true owner of the property in dispute must be protected by the court in its determination so that justice is done and seen to be done, especially because of the high visibility of the case.

Aroun Rashid Deen is a freelance journalist in New York.

This article is entirely the opinion of the writer. It does not represent the general view to this media.

Gambia: Another April 10th anniversary – still waiting for justice

(By D. A. Jawo)

As Gambians and people of conscience all over the world mark the 13th anniversary of the April 10 and 11 student demo which was brutally suppressed by the security forces, resulting in the deaths of more than 14 innocent Gambian children and the maiming of several more, the aggrieved relations and friends of those innocent young souls are still waiting for justice for their loved ones.

We can all recall those fateful two days in April 2000 when such brutality was unleashed on innocent Gambian children while their only crime was to insist on staging a peaceful demonstration in order to protest against certain grievances, including the alleged killing of one of their colleagues by the fire brigade personnel in Brikama.

Even though it is 13 years since that most dreadful event in the history of The Gambia, yet still, it seems as if it happened yesterday as it is still fresh in the minds of most Gambians, especially those who lost their loved ones and those who are still nursing the wounds of their offspring who had been abandoned to their fate. 

Certainly, the memories of those little souls who were brutally shot and killed in cold blood for merely coming out to exercise their most fundamental rights to peacefully match and show their grievances, will never fade away from the hearts and minds of those people of conscience who care about humanity and the crave for justice.

Therefore, the only way that such naked injustice against the innocent children and indeed the people of this country at large can be mitigated is for those who perpetrated the crime to be brought to justice and punished for their crime, which, unfortunately, this regime does not appear to ever intend to do.

We can all vividly recall the morning of 10 April 2000 when students in the Greater Banjul Area, under the leadership of the Gambia Students Union (GAMSU) decided to stage a peaceful demonstration against a host of grievances, including the alleged killing of their colleague, Ebrima Barry by personnel of the Brikama Fire Brigade as well as the alleged raping of a girl student by a member of the security forces. Despite giving enough notice to the security forces about their intention to hold a peaceful procession to vent out their grievances, the responsible authorities, no doubt out of their arrogance and intoxication with power, apparently ordered the security forces to prevent the march at whatever cost, including the use of live bullets, which eventually led to the deaths of the 14 young people and maiming for life of several of their colleagues.

Apart from the widespread condemnation of the unprovoked shooting to death of the innocent students in the Greater Banjul Area on the 10th April, the security forces still went ahead to repeat that same brutality the following day in Brikamaba and other parts of the country, shooting to death several more children. It is even alleged that some of those who escaped death were subjected to untold brutality in the hands of the security forces while under detention, resulting in some of them being maimed for the rest of their lives. 

However, despite the unanimity of the national and international condemnation of the brutality unleashed on the defenseless Gambian children by the security forces, resulting in the deaths of many and the maiming of some, the Gambian authorities have since been trying to wipe out that memory from the minds of the people of this country. Not only is any commemoration of the event totally forbidden, but the government has also done virtually nothing to assist the families who lost their loved ones or those children who were maimed. They are instead abandoned to their fate and their families are left with no choice but to continue to take care of them with the meagre resources at their disposal, and with no input from those who gave orders to the security forces to open fire with live bullets, and then went on the public media to tell big lies about it.

Therefore, instead of ensuring that justice was done in order to at least help ameliorate the psychological suffering of the affected families, the government decided to instead indemnify all those who were found culpable of unleashing such violence on innocent Gambian children. There is indeed enough indication that the authorities not only did not have any remorse about what happened, but that they would not hesitate to do it all over again against anyone who challenges their hegemony.

The regime did not only stop at indemnifying the perpetrators of the unprecedented violence against the children, but they also went ahead to launch a systematic programme to annihilate GAMSU by creating their own surrogate student body, the National Patriotic Students Association (NAPSA), using money and other incentives, and even coercion to entice students to become members of that puppet body, eventually making it the only legal student body in the country, enjoying unlimited financial and moral support from the authorities.

Therefore, through various overt and covert tactics, the authorities succeeded in transforming NAPSA into a formidable student union whose members were given all kinds of privileges and used them as proxies to control the activities of the students and ensure that they (students) not only will never again challenge the authority of the government, but they were also instead left with no alternative but to submit to the dictates of the NAPSA leadership who had been imposed on them by the authorities.

What have we seen since then is that most of the original leadership of NAPSA have been absorbed into privileged positions in the government, including some of them being nominated as Members of Parliament and several other prominent positions in the public services. This is apparently as compensation for their role in helping to pacify the students and make them not only forget the brutalities that were meted out to their colleagues a few years ago, but NAPSA was also effectively used to neutralize GAMSU and all other student bodies that had existed prior to the April demonstrations.

It is indeed hard for anyone to imagine that a government which makes so much noise about its concern for the welfare of its people would allow those who have committed such heinous crimes against the children of this country to not only continue to roam the streets with impunity, but for some of them to still continue to occupy important public offices and being paid from the public coffers.

There is however no doubt that most concerned Gambians are anxiously looking forward to the day when the names of all those innocent young children whose lives were cut short by bullets of our own security forces, will be engraved in gold in a fitting memorial to be erected in a prominent place in the Greater Banjul Area, and those found culpable for unleashing such brutality on them would finally be brought to book.

ENDS

Women’s Empowerment: Are We Holding Ourselves Back?

In Women’s Empowerment...Don’t Push Us Around, (February 2013); I focus on the ideology of patriarchy and its undesirable consequences on women’s rights and freedom. The practice of down-grading our being, is as old as the human race itself. There is no known time throughout the history of humankind during which women, in any community, experienced a life unfettered. That being said, women must take some responsibility – minimal as it may be - for the many entrenched and perennial problems that we face every breath of our existence.

This is not to blame any of us for our participation in the patriarchal-structured world, for there is no way we can live otherwise, but for what is clearly our lack of interest in fighting our own course.

How long can we continue to tread the snail pace, with all the tools at our disposal? For how long can we as women, allow erroneous and twisted societal norms to hinder our progress, and tradition to define our destiny? Many of us suffer in silence because we believe there is no way out of it. For some of us, the mere discussion of our feelings, our pains, our troubles, even with other women, is taboo in our own conscience. By allowing this to go on and on, we solidify the status quo and accept, as natural and as right, our place in the chain of doom. The only answer to all of this is a resounding No!

Some of us, women, are perpetrators of abusive actions against other women, though, not the kind of beastly behaviors common of some men abusers. Women abuse other women in so many ways. In the workplace for example, some women managers, without justifiable causes, victimize their junior female workers, causing them much trauma. Such abuses are no less painful. Some junior workers, on the other hand, show little respect for their female superiors just because they are women. How many times have we not heard a woman say she prefers a man to be the president or the manager, etc.? Abuses of women by other women, take place everywhere: in college campuses, in gatherings and even within our localities, causing emotional pains on their victims. We must ensure we stand up against such behaviours.  

Our role in every aspect of nation-building and sustainable growth is no less important as men’s. Our role in every history has been nothing less than success, and we should not relent any longer to help improve conditions from the local to the global.

Society’s mindset of womanhood is skewed. We must work towards changing that prejudicial perception. The first step is ciphering our self-worth, our values and how we can use those qualities to enhance our communities and the world at large. We must know it is our right to be heard at all times, and to express freely, our feelings, our needs, and our opinions whenever we choose to do so. The responsibility is ours, and we must be ready to make the necessary change; to come out of the cocoon in which we have been trapped just because we are who we are, women. We must step out of the shadows and say to the world, ‘this is me!’

As human beings, we have what it takes to define the real ‘us’; that vision and resourcefulness that drive our mere humanity. Every woman has to have a vision of self, a vision of who she actually is; the vision to un-tap her God-given strength and ability.

We must be determined. We must persevere and believe in ourselves, that is; our skills and values. All of this should empower us to step out of our comfort zones and break down those walls of uncertainty and fear, of doubt, inhibition and self-pity. We need to be futuristic-oriented and to try to develop definite ideas of a preferred destination and a strong desire to communicate and portray ourselves as equal to our compatriots of the other sex.

A number of studies have negatively portrayed us as the so-called weaker sex, mainly so because of the way we express ourselves emotionally. It’s all part of society’s skewed thinking of who we actually are. Scientific studies, on the other hands, have proven that one of the differences of the male and female sexes, by way of emotional responses, is nothing other than biological. That does not qualify or disqualify us as inferior to men in anyway. It only tells us that we as women react differently and that should not hinder our progress and our will to join the mainstream.

Much progress has been made since the signing of the United Nations Women's Treaty. We, women, however, need to do more to meet the Millennium Development Goal, which promotes gender equality and women’s empowerment.

My personal experience as a married woman and of the Muslim faith, a faith observed in my family circle with some level of orthodoxy, has been one of a holdback for years. I gave 30 years to marriage, nurturing a home and trying to be the ‘perfect wife,’ as demanded by culture and tradition. But there has always been the burning desire in me to listen to my inner voice, a desire that urges me to make a difference and reach out to our womenfolk. The problem, though, was that I first had to make a change in my own life if I should reach out to others. However, discussing my feelings with my family was met with strong opposition. There was the constant reiteration that ''women should be seen and not heard.'' I was determined to break the taboo. My reaction has always been a composed, non-aggressive but assertive and determined voice of No.

My urge has always yearned to feel fulfilled, productive and alive. That was a big step forward, but I was determined, and I was able to tear down the walls of co-dependency and relationship addiction. I stepped into a future of growth and personal transformation. I decided to turn my attention inward and listen to my heart and go for what I believe in, express myself and be heard! Culture and traditional taboos are transformed into ‘Me' and 'Now.’                                            

Millions of women are suffering in silence, holding back in fear of making that first step and in fear of being judged by their families and communities. Why remain silent and continue to endure that which will lead to more pains, anger, frustration, resentment and eventually depression? Such feelings can overshadow our mortality, our career and our personal relationships too. Empowering ourselves as women is our basic right. It is a God-given right. No one, not even ourselves, should take that away from us.

We should increase our capabilities to make purposeful choices and transform those choices into beneficial outcomes. But whatever move we make should be done within the context of the love that defines our relationship with our family, our loved-ones and our homes.

Cultivating a positive attitude goes a long way in empowering ourselves. It starts from within. It should start by telling that negative voice within, 'I can,’ and ‘I will.’ But we must break free and make the necessary sacrifices that most men make. We must step into the social structure that our menfolk have dominated for too long. We must develop and cultivate the appetite to be who we are. We need to push for opportunities and volunteer for the hard assignments that come with empowerment. We have to balance that commitment with our home responsibilities and bridge the gender-gap.

Every government that is serious about development has an answer: Involvement of the women component. We as women must push to sit on the other side of the boat to row the paddle of government, of unity and of sustainable growth. It’s time we stop blaming ourselves for the shortcomings of society. It’s time we take the lead. I am confident if we do, our men will come along.

For the first time this year, Sierra Leone observed International Women's Day by declaring it a public holiday. That says a lot. Women are being urged into the public domain and being accepted and called on. Can we afford to lose the opportunity? Do we want to continue to hold ourselves back?

Chadia Talib is a writer, women’s right advocate and entrepreneur. She lives in Bo, southern Sierra Leone.