Gambia News: Sidia Blames Gambia’s Failure on Lawmakers Says they Failed the Nation

(Dailynews)A veteran Gambian politician and National Assembly member for Wuli West constituency, Sidia Jatta on Sunday, July 10, 2011 blamed Gambia’s failure on the National Assembly of The Gambia, saying that parliamentarians have failed the nation.
Jatta who described some of the assembly members as sycophants and rubberstamps Said: “National Assembly members are responsible for the stagnation of progress of this country.
Sidia was speaking at a mass political rally held at Nusrat Junction in Bundung organised by People’s Democratic Organisation for independence and Socialism (PDOIS).
“There are National Assembly members who do not even contribute during debates in the House as lawmakers who should scrutinise every bill before adoption,” he said at his party’s former stronghold.
He said the meeting is a non-partisan meeting but a consultation to salvage The Gambia from bad governance.
According to him, the extravagant life of the ruling APRC government surpasses that of the former PPP government.
“The current government has chided the former regime for all sorts of financial indiscipline but the current president is receiving D52, 000 as monthly salary, which has tripled the salary of a medical doctor,” he said.
“Imagine a medical doctor who would try to be alert up to odd hours in the night for any emergency that requires quick response.”
The veteran politician and the longest serving opposition parliamentarian in the administration of the APRC said leadership is not a position of privilege, but of sacrifice to serve the common and legitimate interest of the nation.
On the coalition
Sidia said the voter apathy of the 2006 presidential election was attributed to failure of various opposition parties to remain united under NADD.
In order to avert the trend, he said Agenda 2011 is formulated as a programme that gives opportunity to the people to choose a leader for the most talked about opposition alliance for the forthcoming presidential election.
“To have a standard bearer who would be the presidential candidate of the alliance, he or she must be the choice of the people so as to effect the desired change of government and system,” Jatta noted.

Author: Baboucarr Ceesay

The Gambia: Selective amnesia or intellectual quandary

By Mathew K Jallow

His decision to challenge the status quo was a courageous act of political defiance; if not a daring assault on sixteen years of state impunity and uncaring nonchalance. Still, Dr. Amadou Scattred Janneh was under no illusion about the fortified wall of resistance that loomed menacingly ahead of his aspirations for our country. But the paradigm shifts evolving from Tunisia, Egypt and elsewhere in North Africa and the Middle East have provided Gambians with a blueprint, an impetus and the moral obligation to take back control of our country from a regime that continues to abuse and manifest its deadly contempt for our people.

After a long hiatus from reality, Gambians can no longer continue the unsustainable paradox of luxuriating in political amnesia, as the country continues its degeneration into a morass of economic blight and social disintegration. While a hopeless sense of collective apathy and defeatism have permeated every aspect of our lives and made it difficult to extricate our country from the overpowering political quandary that has devalued our self-esteem and bankrupted our sense of moral rectitude, much of the blame for our subjectivity rests on our collective puerile naivety and callous indifference towards our country and to each other.

With The Gambia held captive in a vortex of social, economic and political degeneration, the pathway to our political liberty rests on a determination that values our and our posterity’s humanity and self worth. Still, as the banality of our paralyzing fear of Yahya Jammeh’s absolute power continues to hamper our ability to rationalize our national interests, our degeneration into lawlessness and anarchy is increasingly exemplified by an emerging national psyche that is devoid of empathy. Our duty to ourselves, our children and future generations must remain the cornerstone that inspires and motivates us to stand our ground against the ruthless machinations of a regime that is both arrogantly numbed to reason and calculatingly self-contradictory in its use and exercise of state power and authority. But the predilection to take Yahya Jammeh’s gross abuses lying down, has predictably worsened our chances of freeing ourselves from political bondage, prompting Professor Dr. Amadou Scattred Janneh to deliver lectures that radiated the need and ideality of freedom and liberty for our downtrodden people. But increasingly too, the international community is focusing attention on Yahya Jammeh’s cruel dictatorship, and needless to say, sooner or later, his sadistic disregard for human life and morbid obsession with absolute power, will be his own undoing. But nothing in recent memory has perplexed Gambians and the international community as the arrest and detention of Dr. Amadou Scattred Janneh, whose brush with the regime showcases Yahya Jammeh’s regime’s lethargy to freedom of speech, and more so still, its freefall into a pariah nation.

But Dr. Janneh’s arrest and continued detention have exposed, most notoriously in the blogosphere, a new dimension of the cruel underbelly of the Gambian society, where the abominable contortion of facts over the past three weeks is disgustingly surreal and sickeningly mischievous. The Ad hominem attacks on Dr. Janneh for his service under Yahya Jammeh’s regime, so pitifully devoid of sober judgment, says more about the superficial sanctimoniousness and provincial mentality of his nemesis than of Dr. Janneh. The viciousness and ham-handed approach with which Dr. Janneh’s arrest and detention were received by a scornfully misguided few, will never stain the integrity of an honorable man who decided to stand tall, so we all may follow his example out of the dungeon of political servitude; if anything, it will backfire miserably on those whose dark motives and off the wall comments are typically spawned by mean-spiritedness and lack of objective rationality. For a man who dared to do what most of us can only think, Dr. Janneh sits in prison, the victim of the dithering stupidity of a paranoid regime easily agitated into unnecessary acts of revenge and vengeance against perceived threats to its existence. Any malicious efforts to aggregate the pain of Dr. Janneh’s unnecessary incarceration by a regime that has proven time and again, that it lacks the legitimacy and the credibility under the eyes of the plurality of Gambians, will fail hands-down. The parochial mentality exhibited by a handful of Gambians in Dr. Janneh’s arrest and detention, even while the vast majority of Gambians and the international community are rallying behind the only man who had the fortitude and the guts to represent what every Gambian only dared think, is under-whelming to say the least.

And, equally important, Yahya Jammeh’s political subterfuge designed to mask the reality of his less than noble intentions, has become an all too familiar fact of life in The Gambia. But as Dr. Janneh and his codefendant’s sagas, which are the latest in the never-ending stream of arrests and detentions of innocent Gambians shows, Yahya Jammeh will stop at nothing in his attempts to silence voices that have worldviews contrary to his. And Dr. Janneh, by dint of his outspokenness about the restoration of democracy in a country wallowing in political misery, has become only the latest victim of a regime that is maddeningly intolerant to even the most innocuous political dissent. This is the daunting issue facing Gambians; an issue so critical to our freedom and liberty, and so challenging to our sensibilities, as to wake us up from the selective amnesia and intellectual quandary that has corrupted our rationality. Together, we must rally around the common interest of our people, rather than be drawn into the dangerous depths of our narrow, self-serving prejudices. 

For like it or not, Dr. Amadou Scattred Janneh has become the first real symbol of resistance to the dictatorship in our country; the Lui Xiaobo of The Gambia, if you will. The non-violent struggle for fundamental human rights in The Gambia has the undivided attention of the international community and Gambians should never rest until the murders, disappearances, tortures, intimidations and mind-numbing plunder of our wealth and national resources ends, and The Gambia can once again join the community of free, democratic nations of the world. Gambians must commit to nothing less than a country that is free of tyranny; a country where the values of caring, sharing and empathy, which we hold so dear to our hearts, are once again  restored in our lives.

Coalition for Change - The Gambia: Setting the Record Straight

To the Gambian media at home and abroad

The Executive Committee of the Coalition for Change Gambia (CCG) commends the online media for bringing news to Gambian Diaspora. We however take issue with the recent relentless characterization of CCG as a “clandestine and subversive organization.” This characterization is reckless and does not represent what CCG stands for, and we therefore reject these labels. We are not an armed movement seeking change through violent means. We don’t have armed militia lurking in the bushes. We don’t have guns hidden somewhere ready to use. Our only weapons are our mouths and our pens; two weapons we by law have a right to use to inform and educate Gambians about the untenable situation in which our country finds itself. We rely on the power of The Gambian people to bring about change and restore dignity in their lives.
Further, it seems some media to a degree relied heavily on innuendo and speculations to drive home points that have no grounding on fact. The CCG is under no illusion how such embellishment could inadvertently assail the judgment of reasonable people, and we encourage all media practitioners to take the moral high ground and desist from employing language that can sow seeds of panic and skepticism about CCG.

While we acknowledge the selfless dedication the media has contributed to the cause of liberating our motherland from the jaws of tyranny and corruption, we ask that media practitioners refrain from creating a cloud of distrust over their efforts by persistently engaging in unnecessary and baffling mischaracterizations of CCG. To build a level of credibility and prestige in the media enterprise, it is imperative that any story that makes it in the pages of the newspaper and the airwaves of their radios, are supported by irrefutable evidence. This means avoiding the dissemination of information that is the creative genius of the figment of their fertile imaginations.
The CCG is not unlike any other civil society organization trying to restore democracy in The Gambia, and it is neither a surprise nor a coincidence that nearly all these Gambian civil society organizations have “democracy” embedded in their names to articulate their primary goals.
The main objective of CCG is the restoration of democracy and the rule of law in The Gambia; our motivation derives from the sixteen years of servitude to which fellow Gambians have been subjected; our determination is grounded on our civic responsibility and our patriotic duty to legally dissent, and our aspiration is pegged on the eradication of the fear that has paralyzed Gambians into total submissions.
CCG calls on all Gambians, especially the youth to come forward and help rescue our country from the vicissitude of tyranny and oppression, so their little brothers and sisters and their future sons and daughters will not be reduced to slavery or driven out into exile by the hand of another future dictatorship. Gambians have been afraid for far too long, and the time has come to break this intellectually debilitating and mentally corrosive fear of state power and Yahya Jammeh. With this in mind, CCG was formed to bring like-minded Gambians with a desire and the commitment to help rescue our country from yoke of physical and mental bondage. In two paragraphs below, we present a summary of CCG’s hopes and aspirations for our country, and some of our demands outlining what the regime needs to do to respect the civil and human rights of every Gambian.
“The Coalition for Change -The Gambia (CCG), a civil, human and political rights organization, which brings together a cross-section of the Gambian community at home and abroad, has been launched. The group is a non-partisan organization established to challenge the dictatorship and restore basic freedoms in The Gambia through nonviolent action. The Coalition's formation is necessitated by the repressive political environment in which Gambians find themselves. Virtually all avenues of orderly political change have been shut by a despot determined to cling on to power by any means necessary.”
“To accomplish this, the group will be providing an alternative voice - Radio Free Gambia - which is to go on air by mid-July. Together with the FM Station, CCG will continue utilizing social media to further spread our messages and to garner public support.
CCG has been calling on the regime to immediately:
· Repeal laws that unduly restrict freedom of expression
· Ensure equal access to public media for all political establishments
· Organize a referendum on instituting Presidential term limits
· Free all political prisoners
· End arbitrary arrests, detentions, torture and murders
· Investigate all mysterious deaths and disappearances
· Respect freedom of assembly and association
CCG also continues its call for all groups and individuals from every sector of the community, in The Gambia and abroad, to join us in the struggle to restore democracy and the rule of law.” Visit our website at:http://www.changegambia.org

Furthermore, in a recent radio interview/interrogation relentless attempts were made to cajole information about CCG out of individuals who possess no such knowledge about CCG. Additionally, allegations were made to the effect that CCG’s had abandoned Dr. Amadou Scattred Janneh in his moment of crisis. To begin with, neither Ndey Tapha-Sosseh nor Mathew K Jallow confirmed nor denied Dr. Janneh’s membership of CCG, but we are nonetheless proud that someone like him is challenging the last sixteen years of tyranny in our country. CCG Executive members enthusiastically align themselves with Dr. Janneh’s position regarding the abysmal human rights record and the disappearance of citizens in our country, and are committed to do everything in our power to mitigate the suffering of any Gambian who becomes a victim of this regime, regardless of their position in our society, and that includes Dr. Janneh.
Secondly, the question of CCG’s legitimacy was raised, and we want to make it categorically clear that the organization is a bone-fide civil society organization, and any queries regarding where it was founded is mute and does not merit belaboring further. As to the issue of the composition of our executive, we will continue to respect their desire for anonymity, for the same reason, all the media are protecting the identities of their information sources in Banjul. The theory of not knowing what will happen to them if they openly operate as champions of liberty is the driving rationale. It boils down to the hostility of the regime towards dissenting voices, and the danger dissension poses to the wellbeing of Gambians. CCG believes you will agree that none of the civil society organizations founded abroad will be permitted to freely operate as champions of Human Rights in The Gambia, moreover, it might interest Gambians to know that CCG may not be the only organization protecting the anonymity of their home-bound members, nor will it be the last.
For as long as Yahya Jammeh still remains in power, we will never enjoy the freedom to operate openly as civil rights organization free to protect our fellow citizens from the overreach of this barbaric regime.
Finally, while it is correct that CCG should be held accountable to Gambians; our overriding calculation is the protection of our membership from the mean-spiritedness of a calculating megalomania. This position is absolutely non- negotiable, come what may.
Lastly, CCG thanks all of Gambia’s media for the efforts and sacrifice they make in the dissemination of information to the Gambian Diaspora community and for their steadfast stand against the tyrannical regime that has held our country hostage for the past sixteen years. Thank you.
Signed June 13, 2011
Ndey Tapha-Sosseh
Secretary General
CCG
Mathew K Jallow
CCG Chair (U.S)

Gambia: Security Sector Reform Now! A year on since the record catch of more than two tons of cocaine

Today is one year since the record catch of more than two tons of cocaine was made in the small Gambian village of Bonto on 3rd June 2010 and there are still widespread speculations among people here that part of the catch may be recycled to the market. If anything, the name of the Gambian president came up several times in a host of cocaine-related cases currently being heard in Gambian courts. In fact just weeks before June 3^rd one prosecution witness, Silaba Samateh, while being cross-examined by defense lawyer, Borry Touray, was asked if    he had not told another witnessed that President Jammeh had tons of cocaine inside the country and that he was trafficking some of it for the Gambian leader. This at a time when the executive director of the National Drug Enforcement Agency, NDEA,  his deputy and several other top officials were, and are still being tried for selling cocaine exhibits meant for destruction in their custody. So the speculations surrounding the June 3^rd were not that far fetched and off the mark after all. And it was not only that.

Nine accused nationals of foreign countries are being tried in court for possession and distribution of the catch but most people have lost interest in the case. This lack of interest is not only because all the accused persons are foreigners, and without any close relatives around, but because most Gambians believe the authorities are not telling them all they know about the case. Many Gambians believe leading members of the government were involved in that particular case. How could a group of foreigners, without any local support structure, risk bringing in over a billion US dollar worth of any illegal substance and stockpiling it in a village just about 45 kilometers outside Banjul? It certainly does not sound sensible that such a group of South Americans, speaking little English and none of the local languages, would get themselves in the business of importing, stockpiling and distributing such huge quantity of cocaine without any support base among the locals, especially those in powerful and influential government positions. Even in neighboring Guinea Bissau where both the linguistic and cultural settings would have been better managed by the South Americans, they needed local support base within the security forces, powerful government circles and influential politicians. The west African sub-region has now being identified as an important hub, transit point and stockpiling warehouse for South American cocaine destined for Europe, but no where have the South American operated without local partners.

As early as 2004 signs of West Africa as new route for the international cocaine trade had been emerging. According to the United Nations Office on Drug and Crime, UNODC, annual cocaine seizures in Africa as a whole averaged about 0.6 metric tons between 1998 and 2003. This represented only a minute portion of the global seizures of cocaine.

However, since 2004, African seizures have been above 2.5 metric tons, almost five times more than before. In July 2005, the Spanish navy seized over 3 metric tons of cocaine in a Ghanaian ship, representing almost 40% more than the total West African cocaine seizures of the previous year. According to the same UNODC sources in 2006, two seizures in Western Africa, one made in Ghana (1.9 mt) and one Guinea-Bissau (0.6 mt), accounted for 90% of all seizures reported on the continent. Out of the 5.7 tons of cocaine seized in 2007, 99% were reported from Western African countries: 2.4 mt were seized in Senegal in June, almost 1.5 mt were seized in Mauritania between May and August, 0.6 mt in Guinea-Bissau in April, 0.5 mt in Cape Verde in March, 0.4 mt in Benin in August and 0.2 mt in Guinea. Despite the doubling and redoubling of quantities of the narcotic drug seized in the sub-region, many experts suspected this was just the tip of the iceberg. Lack of seizure reports from countries like The Gambia did not necessarily mean the absence of trafficking in these countries, but more likely the deficiency of law enforcement capacities, or worst, complicity of influential government officials.

The growing use of Western Africa as a large cocaine stockpiling location was further confirmed by seizures made by European and Latin American countries of cocaine shipments bound to Africa.

In June 2007, a cocaine trafficking network was dismantled at Brussels airport. The network had been active for about two years, trafficking cocaine from Gambia and Sierra Leone. That same June 2007, Venezuelan authorities seized two and a half tons of cocaine on a private plane that was about to take off for Sierra Leone.

Intensified American war against the cocaine trafficking had forced the South American cartels to shift market to Europe where markets were growing even more lucrative but increased law enforcement successes in the Caribbean and in Europe compelled the cartels to look for alternative routes for the trafficking of the drugs to the European market. Traditionally, South American traffickers smuggled cocaine via Central America and the Caribbean to the United States and across the Atlantic to Europe. But with declining markets and tighter law-enforcement in North America and higher demand and wholesale prices in Western Europe, traffickers sought ways to step up supply to Europeans and found in West Africa a new and safer channel to this fast-growing market. By 2005, Guinea-Bissau had become a hub, and cocaine seizures in the region grew more than twenty times since 2005. Spain is the main entry point of cocaine into Europe and traffickers exploit Spain’s historic and linguistic ties with Latin America, as well as its long coastline. In 2005, Spain’s seizures of 48 metric tons of cocaine accounted for 45 per cent of all cocaine seizures made in Europe, and rose by almost half from 2004 to 2005 after Spanish enforcement agencies intensified their control along the northern coast. According to official Spanish sources up to 70% of Spanish cocaine seizures is made at sea.

Holland is another traditional entry point for cocaine into Europe but by 2005 the authorities there tightened control, enforcing a 100% controls policy on flights from specific Latin American countries. Many believe it is all this that prompted some traffickers to find alternative channels through Africa. The continent’s geographical location made it an attractive staging post from South America to the growing cocaine market in Europe. Drug enforcement authorities believe that most cocaine shipment destined to Europe is transited through Venezuela and Brazil, the South American sub-region closest to West Africa. Incidentally West African countries provide the most permissive working environment for

Drug traffickers due to widespread corruption and poor law enforcement structures. Many countries here have weak states and unstable regimes faced with difficulties of controlling their territories, maintaining law and order and administering justice. The archipelagoes of Guinea Bissau and the Cape Verde Islands alone have hundreds of uninhabited islands where even the semblance of law and order are unknown, providing idyllic setting for all sorts of smugglers. Without such geographic physical features that can provide cover for the narcotic business that both the Cape Verde Islands and Guinea Bissau have, The Gambia’s competitiveness in offering sanctuary for such criminal activities, appeared to lie in the complicity of its authorities, a monolithic support, unmarred by the violent rivalries of the fractious and volatile authorities in Bissau. Many South American drug cartels preferred a safe haven in a country under one-man rule to the contending multiple contending centers of power that obtains in Bissau. With president Jammeh’s totalitarian grip over almost everything, the cartels wish for a predictable local partnership looked more assured in The Gambia than in Bissau where there was fractious tumult within the government system or, say Dakar, where there still are pockets of incorruptible sections in government administration.  

Rumors of President Yahya Jammeh’s involvement in the cocaine business began circulating when Guinea Bissau navy chief, Rear-Admiral Bubo Na Tchuto, fled from alleged coup-plot related house arrest in Bissau to take refuge under the Gambian leader’s protection in Kerr Serigne, just outside Banjul. Since then the rumors of Jammeh’s involvement in the cocaine trade have increased not diminished. Tchuto’s name is among top Bissau-Guineans under US sanctions for alleged involvement in the narcotic business.

Now, a year since the June 3^rd cocaine seizure perhaps it is time we bother less about President Jammeh culpability and more on what we should about saving the country from becoming a narco-state by calling for security service sector reform. With the former Inspector General of police in court facing over sixty count charges, among them about twelve of them cocaine-related, a man who shortly before earned the explicit endorsement of President Jammeh; the whole top echelon of the NDEA on the dock for cocaine trafficking, among other things and dozens of other drug cases involvement men in the security services, that sector sure does need urgent reform. In the words of Yahya Jammeh himself, Gambians have lived under a police chief who was possibly an armed robber. We therefore cry, SECURITY SECTOR REFORM NOW!

Courtesy of TheGambiaJournal.com

Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara: A Statesman for the Ages (#Gambia)

                                     By Mathew K. Jallow

As Sir Dawda K Jawara, Gambia's first and former president due in Atlanta, Georgia, for his book signing, Mathew K Jallow revisits his archives for a fitting dedication to the man of the hour

The term "Founding Father" conjures up mental images of the American Revolution, and applying it to Sir Dawda K. Jawara, has always felt like a stretch for me. Yet, the realism and enigma of Sir Dawda is articulated in the pioneering spirit with which he so ably led The Gambia into the mush-rooming age of political independence. Sir Dawda Jawara was molded in a cast which almost defied definition. The embodiment of a conglomeration of three cultures wrapped into one person, Sir Dawda, out of social expediency developed a redeeming neutral identity that combined his Wollof cultural upbringing in a detribalized Fula family, and set him on a journey towards adolescent identity crisis.

Sir Dawda's character and personality are the products of the refined sophistication of the Aku culture into which he married, the omnipresent Mandinka heritage which loomed large in his background and the Wollofnied Fula upbringing that shaped his early years. And growing up in Bathurst, now Banjul, where his discriminating sense of tribal identity was diffused by homogenizing cultural forces more powerful than the confounding sense of tribe, Sir Dawda, became a product of the environmental circumstances that profoundly pervaded his early life. With the pull of different cultures and the draw of conflicting identities, Sir Dawda learnt to rise above the narrow limitations of tribal identity to escape to a neutral safe-haven and away from the demons of his inner conflict. Even when political demands necessitated a response to the self-interests that consumed the antagonistic tribal forces in his government, he seemed to quietly retreat into the familiar neutral. And more than a decade and half after his fall from political grace, Sir Dawda's story is still being written by the inadvertent paradoxes of history; as the contrast with Yahya Jammeh's murderous regime becomes the true testament of the genius of Sir Dawda's leadership.

There is no a doubt that the verdict of history will cast President Jawara in good light; notwithstanding the economic failures that supposedly led to his political downfall. Throughout his public life, Sir Dawda had remained neutral to a fault, for when faced with competing and antagonistic tribal forces, he show-cased a balanced, if not a non-intrusive quality that often bordered on senile detachment from the natty gritty of the nation's daily political life. Sir Dawda was never given to drama, and even when the nation's capital resources were plundered and depleted right before his eyes, he seemed almost unable to provoke accountability and discipline in response to the exigencies of the moment. And despite his abundant gift of wisdom, Sir Dawda Jawara easily fell victim to his popularity, but more important than that, he never learnt to hold the feet of his subordinates to the fire. And it was this lackadaisical approach to governance that became his undoing. For, even as he drew sharp criticism for the country's descent into the unfathomable depths of corruption and tribal infighting, he seemed to bury his head into the sand. Yet despite his failures as our leader, Gambians today would rather choose to relive the worst of the Jawara era, than remain prisoners in a state of suspended animation that challenges our national conscience and degrades our humanity. The last fifteen years of Yahya Jammeh's brutal dramatics are radically different from the tempered era of Sir Dawda; an era characterized by a dichotomous irony of insidious tribal conflict and manifest political harmony.

As President, Sir Dawda was without a doubt a man of vision both by nature and circumstance, yet he lacked the strength and the force of will to rein in the run-away corruption, looting and the pervasive plunder of our nation's resources. Today, that corruption remains embedded in the body politics of our country, to elevate the level of corruption to a dangerous crisis situation. In spite of this, Sir Dawda has remained the picture perfect embodiment of nobility and grace, a rare breed of politician who exudes a celestial serenity; a man who seems fixated on his unique qualities as a compassion statesman; and a man whose superior morals precludes the need for greed and material wealth. In that regard alone, Sir Dawda has become the true definition of honor.

During his thirty-year long presidency, Sir Dawda provided opportunity for Gambians, yet somehow, the cloud of ethical degradation that hung over his successive governments, failed to alert his good judgment for reason that still leaves many Gambians perplexed and left in wonderment. As president, Sir Dawda Jawara was unlike most African leaders and politicians of his generation; leaders who took advantage of their positions to enrich themselves with the wealth of their people. If there was one negative about the era of Sir Dawda on which there is universal agreement among Gambians, it was that he overstayed as president; even when the signs for his departure were written on the wall for all to see. But, since we cannot undo the past, we must at least find solace in the remarkable achievements of Sir Dawda's long, peaceful reign.

Today, only a few other African countries have had the success of ingraining the values of democracy and the rule of law in their citizens as The Gambia under Sir Dawda. For ours is not merely the romanticized notion of democracy, judging by the plethora of angry voices shouting freedom, not only from behind the ominous dark shadows of the confining walls of our prisons, but also from to the unforgiving distances that separate Gambians from their beloved homeland. Gambians on all continents are forming a critical mass in their opposition to Jammeh's murderous and dictatorial regime, and this is possible only because Sir Dawda gave us a taste of what it was like to live as free people. And today, the narcissism, brutality and greed of Yahya Jammeh stand in sharp contrast to the humility and frugality of Sir Dawda; a man whose humane predisposition is the product of highly cultured personality.

True, Sir Dawda may at some point admit to some of the failings of his successive governments, but he has given us much more than material rewards. He allowed us to retain our inalienable rights and freedoms, and this is more than Gambians could ever ask for. For if truth be told, there is no greater gift Sir Dawda could have given us than the gift of liberty. And now, as age takes its inevitable toll, and Sir Dawda continues his dignified march towards the lonely and melancholic sunset, his legacy will remain etched in our hearts, our souls and all across our land. Sir Dawda has carved out a name in our hearts for himself, as a leader, a humanitarian and a statesman. But no one can tell the story of Sir Dawda K Jawara our first president more than himself, and his book signing in Atlanta, Georgia, next week, will begin that storytelling, and perhaps, just perhaps, for many of us, ignite the nostalgia of a time past under the leadership of a statesman for the ages.

Gambia News: What democracy denies its people the right to vote? (#Gambia)

(Daily News)As Gambians at home register for the 2011 presidential election; Gambians abroad remain disenfranchised, despite fifteen years of empty promises and artificial obstacles by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The official quotes below say it all:
 “The Commission has been mandated by the Elections Decree (Section 11) to provide a register of voters in foreign countries. Such a mandate is being looked into,” (IEC Website).
“Presently, Gambians living abroad have the option of returning to the Gambia during registration periods and register within their Constituencies of origin. This will mean that it is only in this type of registration that they can vote during National or Local Elections, until such a time that a register of voters in foreign countries become feasible,” (IEC Website).
At this snail-pace, Diaspora Gambians will never have the right to vote in Gambian national elections, because fifteen years after the 1996 presidential polls, the Commission is “still looking into it.”
This is not a case of bad faith on my part- far from it. It is the realization that the words of The Commission are official spin, empty rhetoric intended to satisfy donors, while denying Diaspora Gambians their rights in order to maintain the status-quo.
The Commission and the Jammeh regime have no intention, nor are they interested, in extending the franchise to Diaspora Gambians. This is so, despite readily available funds from the Commonwealth and other donor countries.
In this day of sophisticated computer software registering less than 300, 000 Gambians resident abroad should not be as daunting as it was even ten years ago. Many countries in Africa, and neighboring Senegal, in particular, have extended the vote to their citizens abroad, recognizing among other things, their collective contribution to national development through remittances and investments in land and businesses.
It is laughable to expect Gambians in their thousands to return home to cast a ballot in their “constituencies of origin.”
What an utter waste of valuable resources that could, otherwise, be spent to benefit Gambians at home. Why make it so difficult for Diaspora Gambians to exercise such a fundamental right?
The answer is simple—they need our monthly remittances, not our vote, out of fear that Jammeh would be flushed out; even though he now enjoys considerable support among pockets of Gambians abroad.
What democracy denies its people the right to vote?
The IEC and Jammeh are not entirely at fault. The Opposition political party aficionados are just as complicit. Their parties remain disorganized, splintered and bututless; and for the most part are themselves paralyzed by fear— never attempting to challenge the constitutionality of this illegal state of affairs.
Rather than compromise, which is the art of politics, they are consumed by distrust, as they wallow in trite recrimination against one another- all hoping against all odds that they too shall become president someday.
This is at best delusional grandstanding even though all it takes to win is to form a united front against Jammeh. This is not rocket science but a simple strategy. Get the rascals out and then duke it out amongst yourselves.
Thus, the 2011 presidential election results are a foregone conclusion! You do not have to be a political scientist or bantaba pundit to figure this one out.
It seems all Gambians know this except the party leaders that plan to run and be humiliated. Jammeh and his APRC party will trounce any and all who dare stand his way. He has the money, arms and threatens to use them, which he will, if cornered.
Did he not arrest and imprison Femi Peters with impunity, without a whimper? Does Jammeh not use state media, while denying Opposition political heads their right to do so? Does he not have the IEC in his pocket and hires and fires at will its members? Does the Constitution not favor him and his kind? Need I go on?
How can Gambians at home and those in the Diaspora salvage the 2011 presidential election? If you cannot vote; vote with your wallet, and threaten to withhold the monthly “fish-money.”  Demand that relatives vote and vote for the candidate that stands the best chance of winning.
That happens to be Ousainou Darboe. Demand that all Opposition parties and aficionados rally behind Darboe, this once and see what happens. Darboe must now take a bold move, take the bull by its horns and make deals with the other party leaders- promise them the moon and get them on his side. Once in office, establish a union government to run the country for a one five-year term, while putting the necessary instruments and environment in place for a free and fair presidential poll.
This may well be the antidote to the political impasse that currently grips the country. With this strategy, Jammeh can have all the money, media, IEC and arms on his side and still be flushed out of office. Will the PPP, NRP, PDOIS leadership rally behind Darboe or would they rather see Jammeh be handed a fourth five-year term? This is the question and the choice is clear to all.

Gambia News: Lt. General Tamba Will Not ‘Die Twice’ But Queries Gambian Judiciary after Sentence

Daily News --Lt. Gen. Lang Tombong Tamba, former defence chief said, the Gambia’s judiciary needs to be looked into because he doesn’t deserve a sentence for a crime he did not commit.
Tamba’s query came after the Special Criminal Division of the High Court in Banjul found him and Sarjo Fofana, former navy chief guilty on all four counts of treason related charges, eventhough they had denied the charges.
In a suspense-filled climax of a courtroom saga that has obsessed the nation, the eleven month-long trial yesterday ended with a twenty year jail sentence handed down on both men.
Tamba and Fofana were sacked in October 2009 following which they were put under trial for a coup attempt which occurred in 2006.  
The atmosphere which greeted their conviction and sentence was both chaotic and somber.  The former army Lt general was uptight and teary, yet he unsuccessfully managed to calm down a more teary crowed of relatives and sympathisers.     
“I am prepared to die,” the General cried out, attracting the attention of a blend of uniformed and un-uniformed state security personnel who grabbed their former embattled boss with every strength of theirs, put him into the vehicle and whisked him away.
Denied the allegations
Lt Gen. Tamba, who was the deputy chief of defence staff at the time of the 2006 coup, was widely seen as a key figure in the foiling of the attempted coup in 2006 allegedly led by former defence chief, Col Ndure Cham, now in exile.
His lawyer, Sheriff Tambedou said, Tamba was promoted as Chief of Defence Staff and also decorated by the President with MRG because of efforts he did in foiling the 2006 coup attempt.
 “I did everything to foil the 2006 coup,” Tamba himself said, shaking his head after his conviction. “How can I be part of a coup which I foiled.”
And Sarjo Fofana was the chair of the military court - Court martial - which presided over the case  in connection with the coup.

On the trial
Five state witnesses, including two former military men convicted by a military court in connection with the said coup attempt appeared as state witnesses, but refused to testify.
Major Bah, a military officer who had been sentenced to a 25 year jail term after he was found guilty of the said coup attempt - but later freed on a presidential pardon - had also testified as a state witness.
However, the defense counsel of Tamba and Fofana had argued that the state has no evidence against their clients, noting that none of the witnesses linked their clients to the said treason.
 “The prosecution has proved its case beyond all reasonable doubt and I hereby found the accused person guilty of the charges,” Justice Ikapala, held.
He relied on the testimony of Major Bah and the statement obtained from a treason convict Captain Yaya Darboe by state investigators.
Justice Ikpala agreed on the content of the statement, which he said, states that Tamba and Fofana were involved in the coup attempt.
Lawyers maintained innocence
“Sarjo Fofana did not take any step in the 2006 foiled coup and there is no evidence from the prosecution,” the lawyer for Fofana, Lamin Mboge told court even after the guilty verdict was passed.
He described his client as a finest and a highly responsible gentleman with a wife and children and an extended family who all depend on him.
Lt Gen. Tamba, on the other hand, is a wife to two, a biological father to six and adopted father to fifteen people most of whom are young, according to his lawyer.
He was condemned to death last year alongside seven others, including top security men and business tycoons, also for treason allegations he had denied.
Treason attracts a maximum penalty of death sentence in The Gambia. The presiding judge sentenced Tamba and Fofana as follows: 20 years for conspiracy, 20 years for treason and 10 years for each of the two counts of concealment of treason.
Since the sentences will run concurrently, both men will spend 20 years in jail, unless otherwise.   
However, Tamba is unconvinced that he has done anything wrong and could be heard calling for an overhaul of The Gambia’s justice system, which has come under heavy criticisms over the years.
“Have faith Tamba because one day justice will prevail,” a bloodshot eye old man tried to cheer him up, as if the judge’s decision was unjust.

Author: Binta Bah

Gambia:Yahya Jammeh organizes Prayer Fest to ward-off political unrest in The Gambia

By Mathew K Jallow

In what can only be described as unprecedented and unconventional, Yahya Jammeh over the weekend ordered the Gambia Supreme Islamic Council to hold a two-day prayer vigil in the town of Gunjur 30 miles south of Banjul. According to our sources, the objective of the two days of prayer is to help ward off the turmoil and political upheavals that are ravaging North Africa, the Middle East, Kenya, Zimbabwe and most recently, Burkina Faso.

The prayer vigil, which was performed by over 400 hired Islamic scholars, mobilized from around The Gambia and neighboring Senegal, who each received a cash payment of 1000 dalasis and a bag of rice, and attended by hundreds, were tasked to pray throughout the day and all night for Allah to prevent what is dubbed the “spring of discontent” from taking hold on Gambian shores.

As a benediction of the prayer fest, twelve bulls were slaughtered as sacrifice to the “gods” and two trucks filled with rice were also donated for distribution by the highly superstitious Yahya Jammeh, whose brand of religion combines traditional Islam and primitive African idol worship.

A section of beach where a mosque and a shrine are located was ordered closed to the public, and residents of a nearby beach-side motel were evacuated and relocated. It can be recalled that nearly five years ago, Yahya Jammeh banned pilgrimages and offering of sacrifice at the same mosque and shrine, which were built as a dedication to Shiek Umar Futuyou, a famous 19th Century Islamic cleric from Senegal, whose name the locals attribute to miracles, only to reverse that ban a year later.

Spearheading the prayer vigil was the President of Gambia Supreme Islamic Council, Imam Momodou Lamin Touray, who my sources describe as “Jammeh’s errand Boy. The Gambia Supreme Islamic Council, which consists of 50 Islamic scholars, has over many years acted as a political arm of the Gambian dictatorship, in the process benefitting and regularly accepting large sums of bribe money and vehicles from Dictator Yahya Jammeh. As it is, the political turmoil that began in Tunisia early this year has toppled or are on the verge of toppling many decades-long dictatorships across North Africa and the Middle East, have only recently turned south towards Sub-Saharan Africa. In the West African, Burkina Faso, the first causality of black Africa’s “spring of discontent,” spontaneous and violent uprising demanding an end to the twenty-three year dictatorship of Blaise Campoare, who took over power in a military coup back in 1987, have flared up throughout most regions of that country.

The two day prayer vigil, which according to our sources brought unwanted attention to the seaside town of Gunjur, was marked by Yahya Jammeh’s usual pomp and pageantry, designed to deflect people’s attention from their miseries, if only while it lasts. Ironically, however, the two day prayer fest was marred by one tragedy and mishap after another.

The weekend prayer vigil began with the tragic death of a child, whose life was cut short by Yahya Jammeh’s “presidential” motorcade. Without coming off as insanely conspiratorial as the mad Glen Beck, this fifth child whose death was caused by Yahya Jammeh’s motorcades in as many years, is beginning to look more like “child sacrifice” as practiced by primitive African cultures.

This is not far-fetched for the deeply superstitious Yahya Jammeh, considering that in the early years of his reign in the 1990s, he was known to have fed the corpses of his victims to the crocodiles in his “personal zoo” located in his native village of Kanilai about 90 miles south of the capital Banjul. In another instance, a man carrying a bag of rice was seriously injured after he fell into a well as villagers scrambled and jostled for the rice Yahya Jammeh ordered distributed to Gunjur villagers.

Yet another man was also seriously injured in the process of slaughtering one of the twelve bulls Yahya Jammeh brought as sacrifice to his animist “gods.” But the attention grabber of the weekend’s prayer pomp and pageantry was not Yahya Jammeh, who has become stale news everywhere he travels in and outside the country, but a brave young man who hurled insults at Yahya Jammeh, blaming him for the dire economic and social problems the country has faced throughout the years of his dictatorship.

It goes without saying, the young Gunjur man, whose name is still to be released, was seen being arrested and taken away by Yahya Jammeh’s retinue of bodyguards and security personnel. The weekend prayer vigil itself symptomatic Yahya Jammeh’s fear of the widespread discontent in The Gambia, not just the harsh economic conditions Gambians find themselves living under, but the gross human rights abuses, which over the nearly two decades, have included extra-judicial executions, murders, and disappearances of citizens, tortures, arbitrary arrests and detentions and harsh conditions of incarcerations of political dissidents and members of the military and security forces.

But for now, whether Allah will answer to the town of Gunjur’s weekend prayer fest and immune Yahya Jammeh’s military dictatorship from the spreading political upheavals that have consumed Yahya Jammeh’s friend and next door neighbor, military dictator Blaise Campoare of Burkina Faso, will remain to be seen. But one thing is clear, conditions for a violent uprising in The Gambia are rife, and it may well be only a matter of time before the genie is pulled out of the bottle.

As it is, Yahya Jammeh’s prayers seem sixteen years too late; sixteen years that not even Allah is unwilling to sweep under the rug just for a little prayer and a little blood sacrifice.

Gambia News:Statement by Pamela Ann White, U.S Ambassador to The Gambia on World Press Freedom Day(#WPFD)

The Point -Social media users are playing a starring role in the drama unfolding in the Middle East and North Africa. In many countries in the region - including Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria - the Internet is serving as a catalyst for journalists, activities, and citizens alike to connect with each other and share their stories and calls for change with the world.

"We were unplugged for five days, no Internet connection no mobile devices. We were like in a big prison in Egypt," says Egyptian Blogger Dalia Ziada, in explaining what it felt like when former President Hosni Mubarak's regime switched off the power to the Internet and blocked mobile phone communications in an attempt to stifle press freedom and the freedoms of citizens to access information and assemble peacefully.

But the dark did not stop people from gathering in the streets to demand change.

"The civil rights movement is not new," Ziada explained, "but it did not succeed until the Internet appeared and social networks like Facebook and Twitter attracted larger number of Egyptians."

The Internet is the global gate which has amplified demands for freedom of expression, facilitated vibrant and open discussions on a wide range of topics and connected citizens with each other around the world. Indeed, access to information has been profoundly altered with the arrival of the digital age.

As Secretary of State Hilary Clinton said earlier this year: "The Internet has become the public space of the 21st century-the world's town square, classroom, marketplace, coffeehouse and night club.  We all shape and are shaped by what happens there, all 2 billion of us and counting."

In this new public space crowded with news and chatter, journalists play an essential role in searching for truth, analyzing trends, maintaining credibility, and providing reports to serve the public good. Undoubtedly, the arrival of the digital age - the evolution of the Internet, the emergence of new forms of media and the rise of online social networks - has sparked debate as to what it means to be a journalist, what role bloggers play, and what the effect of a blurring of lines between citizen journalists and professionals will be on the media of today and tomorrow. These imperative debates can be highlighted and further discussed through press related initiatives such as World Press Freedom Day.

World Press Freedom Day, observed annually across the world on May 3rd, was established by the United Nations to celebrate the principle of press freedom and commemorate those who died in trying to exercise them. For these reasons, the United States has partnered with the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to hold the official global commemoration of World Press Freedom Day for the first time.

This year's theme could not be more prescient: "21st Century Media - New Media, New Barriers." The establishment and fostering of an independent, pluralistic, and free press is essential to the development of civil societies and democracies across the globe.  

"When a free media is in jeopardy," Secretary Hillary Clinton has said, "all other human rights are also threatened. So in that spirit, let us continue to champion those who stand for media freedom - and expose those who would deny it.  And let us always work toward a world where the free flow of information and ideas remains a powerful force for progress."

We are facing a critical transformative moment in our history. Around the world people are calling out for freedom, transparency, and self-determination. New digital tools are supporting this cause in a way that is faster and more widespread than ever before, and journalists are playing a central role in this effort.  Unfortunately, many of them have been killed or injured as they've sought to report on the grave challenges facing our world today. It is up to each of us to honor their legacy and do all we can - both virtually and in reality - to support press freedom as a fundamental right to be enjoyed by everyone, everywhere. 

Much closer to home, there has been an explosion in mobile phone ownership and internet usage, over the last few years. There has also been an increase in the number of new radio stations and newspaper companies. Gambians, in particular the youth, now have a great opportunity to explore and communicate effectively with their peers across the world through these new flagship mediums. The opportunities presented by the current communication climate are great, especially in supporting press freedom nationally and civic engagement.

Coalition for Change – The Gambia Distances itself from Gambia Gov’ts Position on Cote D’Ivoire

Press Release Refccg18/4/11

The Coalition for Change – The Gambia (CCG) wishes to dissociate itself from the statements and position of the Gambia Government on events in Cote d’Ivoire.

The most recent inconsequential state televised statement of President Jammeh calling for fresh elections and refusing to recognize President Alassane Ouattara in defiance of the international community, despite findings by virtually all independent observers and monitors that Laurent Gbagbo lost the November election, underscores the pariah character of the Gambian regime. 

The amateurish manner in which the statement touched on an array of issues – Lumumba, Sankara, Compaore, imperialism, etc. – is a shame to many Gambians.

The world may not be aware, but the Gambian people know that anytime President Jammeh senses the hotspot, he starts throwing mud hoping it will stick.  From his pronouncements relating to AIDS, homosexuals, human rights defenders, the Iran arms scandal, the Libya crisis and Gaddafi, the Holy Qur’an burning, to the Cote d’Ivoire, Jammeh has always had something to hide or deflect. 

 The most recent rant also raises serious concerns on President Jammeh’s reaction if he were to lose the November 2011 presidential elections.  Will he, like Gbagbo defy all logic and reason, despite all evidence to the contrary and cling on to power by any means necessary?

President Jammeh’s latest remarks further strengthen the resolve of the CCG and progressive Gambians to ensure that 17 years of repressive rule must come to an end now.

The CCG is therefore calling on Gambians, the people of Cote d’Ivoire, West African Citizens, and the international community to disregard the Jammeh administration’s rants on Cote d’Ivoire.  The statement does not in any way reflect the position of the Gambian people vis-à-vis developments in that country.  The people of The Gambia support the position of ECOWAS, the International Community and recognize the democratically elected government of President Alasanne Ouattara.

The CCG takes this opportunity to congratulate Presidentt Ouattara, the Government and people of Cote D’Ivoire. 

The group also renews its call to all freedom and peace-loving organizations and individuals to support us in the campaign to end despotism and dictatorship in The Gambia.

SIGNED:

CCG EXECUTIVE

April 18, 2011

CONTACTS:

NDey Tapha Sosseh, Secretary-General / Spokesperson SGCoalitonForChangeGambia@gmail.com

CoalitonForChangeGambia@gmail.com, TheGambiaVoice@gmail.com, ccgtg411@gmail.com

TWITTER: @ChangeGambia, @KomboMansa, @TheGambiaVoice

Facebook group: Coalition for Change – The Gambia

---

[i] Coalition for Change Gambia has as its members, journalists, lawyers, doctors, businessmen/women and civil society groups in and outside The Gambia concerned about the deteriorating state of affairs in The Gambia. Further information and details, including requests for membership can be accessed and processed through the Secretary General.

[ii] Interested media organisations should contact the Secretary General for more information.  Audio material is also available and can be accessed upon request.

Gambia News: Five Military Men Missing for Nine Months

Daily News - Five military men have been missing for nine months. They are being detained at the State Central Prison of Mille 2 in Banjul; reliable sources informed The Daily News.
The missing military men are identified as: Warrant Officer (WO2) Bai Lowe, Staff Sergeant Abdoulie Jallow, Lance Corporal Sang Mendy, Lance Corporal Antony Mendy and ex-lance Corporal Abdoulie Sarr.
They were arrested since July 8, 2010 at the military post in President Jammeh’s native village of Kanilai, our sources revealed. 
The Daily News could not confirm the reason for their arrest.  And family members of the detained soldiers said, for nine months, they have not been in touch with their loved ones and could not trace their whereabouts.
“We have no idea why they have been arrested and we do not know where they are being held in custody,” a relative to one of the detained military officers whose identity is hidden for security reasons told The Daily News.
 The Daily News had earlier in February, contacted the military spokesperson to confirm the story. But he, instead, asked for more details such as the names of the detainees, before he could comment on the story.
This was done and when he was contacted on Saturday 16 April, the army spokesman Bojang asked this reporter to meet him at the army headquarters in Banjul.

Author: Saikou Ceesay

Gambia News:Was Taranga FM’s Closure due to Administrative Procedure?Minister Should Not Misinform Assembly

Daily News Gambia -The response of the minister of Information and Communication Infrastructure to the question raised by Jarra Central parliamentarian as to what led to the closure of Taranga FM sounds appears to be misleading.

The Information minister’s response that Taranga FM was closed due to administrative procedure as carried on The Point newspaper prompt us to question whether the minister is not speculating or misinforming the august assembly.

The closure of Taranga FM, a community radio station situated in Sinchu Alhagie, Kombo North on January 13, 2011, was an order from the National Intelligence Agency (NIA).

The station remained off the air for 32 days, which left its keen listeners in the dark. It added to the worries of all those concerned about freedom of expression and freedom of the press in The Gambia.

Later, a letter addressed to the proprietor dated 14 January stated that Taranga FM could relay news, but from the state owned-Gambia Radio and Television Services (GRST), if the station is interested in broadcasting news.

The government’s directive was contained in a letter to the manager of the station and signed on behalf of H. M Tambedou, Secretary General of the office of President.

The letter advised Taranga FM management to desist from reviewing opposition-linked and Western sponsored newspapers. With those conditions, the station is allowed to come back on the air without its popular “Xibari besbi”, (meaning news of the day in Wollof), which entailed news and current affairs programme that reviewed newspapers in Mandinka and Wollof the two major languages in The Gambia.

This means Taranga FM is only given the green light to review news from the government-controlled Gambia Radio and Television Service (GRTS). That is why the audiences are listening to a different Taranga FM – without ‘Xabari besbi’. This is how matters stand.

We could not understand what administrative procedure is the information minister talking about. Perhaps, he did not know the content of this letter, which we assume he should. And if he doesn’t, then we would ask: Is the minister’s hands not tied on his back in executing his job properly?

The purpose of calling ministers to the National Assembly is to clarify issues within their responsibility. The deputies have a role to scrutinize institutions, policies, and public officers etc.

So, whatever a minister says in the National Assembly should be clear, factual and in the legitimate interest of the country, without fear favour, affection or ill will.
The government of The Gambia should stop doing actions it cannot defend.

Source:dailynews.gm  

Gambia News: Rights Activist -Jammeh is a ‘brutal dictator who wants to cling to power by all means’

Edwin Nebolisa

Sentenced to six months in prison after falling foul of Gambia’s Jammeh government, democracy and human rights activist Edwin Nebolisa talks to Pan-African Visions’ Ajong Mbapndah about his ordeal


Jailing and deporting Edwin Nebolisa may not be the good riddance of a nuisance as the Government of President Yaya Jammeh thought. Far from keeping quiet, the prison ordeal described by Nebolisa as inhuman has greatly fortified him in his crusade for democracy, human rights and good governance in Africa. It is this crusade that led him to create the civil society organisation Africa in Democracy and Good Governance with Head Quarters in the Gambia.

The activities of his organisation and the outspokenness of Nebolisa landed him in the bad books of the Jammeh government and the result was a six month prison sentence “for providing false information to a public official in March 2010. Jailed in September of last year, Mr Nebolisa was released in January 2011 and deported from The Gambia to his native Nigeria.

As gruelling as the prison experience may have been, Mr Nebolisa tells Pan-African Visions’ Ajong Mbapndah that he feels stronger than ever and what he went through only justifies the need for Africans to be more engaged in the struggle to entrench democracy and better respect for human rights across the continent. The determination of Nebolisa is clearly seen when asked about the assessment of human rights in the continent and the future of Africa in governance and democracy. Nebolisa says much still has to be done.

President Yaya Jammeh, who many do not know besides the fact that he claims to cure HIV/AIDS and frequently changes his names, is described by Nebolisa as a brutal dictator who wants to cling to power by all means. The Judiciary yields to the dictates of Jammeh Nebolisa says and free and fair trials are inexistent when it comes to political issues.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: Mr. Nebolisa you recently got released from prison in Gambia, so why were you imprisoned in the first place?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: I was accused of giving false information to the office of the president, that African Democracy organisation and Good Governance (ADGG) is a non governmental organisation and seeks the nomination of Ms. Mariama Jammeh daughter of the president as ADGG/WWSF Geneva general ambassador, known same to be false. It was later amended to giving false information to a public officer. This was exactly how their charge sheet read.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: Prior to your imprisonment had you had any issues with the authorities in Gambia?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Yes indeed, 2009 was the worst year for me and my organisation in the Gambia; prior to my imprisonment I had suffered a series of arrests and detentions without trial by the notorious national intelligence agency. This was also due to my interviews with various local and international medias, including the BBC Network Africa on series about the Gambia, ADG press releases and petitioning of various government departments for grave human rights violations; and of course our biannual magazine which had been critical of the government human rights records. In September 2009, Jammeh promised to cut off the head of all human rights activists if they did not leave the country.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: So how was the judicial process, did you have a lawyer, can you describe the trial process for us, was there anything in it you considered fair?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: In the first place we must understand that the Gambia is an authoritarian state with a democratic setting only in theory. In today’s Gambia, everything revolves around one person, President Jammeh. The ruling party, government institutions and all the fundamentals of the state revolve around him alone with hardly any distinction between them. Jammeh systemically neutralized the powers of the judiciary and parliament thereby rendering them ineffective. He frequently sacks judges, other judicial workers and at times even parliamentarians within his ruling APRC without due process of the law. My charge was trump up and thus I do not expect any fair process because there are no independent judiciary/judges, though I had one of the best lawyers in the Gambia that absolutely had no meaning. In the Gambia unlike anywhere else in the world, the judges are the real prosecutors, before the trial they will first find you guilty. This is even more worst with the Nigerian mercenaries that Jammeh imported into the Gambia to carry out his dirty work of using the court to silenced his critics in the event he is unable to abduct and assassinate them without public knowledge.

Getting a Nigerian as a chief justice of the Gambia and a host of Nigerian Judges, Magistrates and State Counsel was a very important and strategic move by the tyrant Yaya Jammeh.

- First, it will help to shut the eyes and mouth of the Nigerian government because they will see it as a great honour and thereby shutting their eyes and mouth in the face of egregious crimes against humanity even when it involves her citizens;
- Secondly, it helps Jammeh to seek for increased financial aid and more support in technical assistance from the Federal Government at the expense of the Nigerian tax payers’ money;
- And thirdly, these are the only people that can carry out Jammeh’s dirty works without conscience at the expense of their career and reputation just for some few tokens of the dollar.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: How were the prison conditions, where you tortured were there a lot of political prisoners that in the jails?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: It was a terrible place, in fact, one can sum it up as a deliberate slaughter house; it also made me to appreciate some certain things, during my incarceration I had the opportunity to speak with some officers and older inmates who gave me terrifying informations about the way the prison is been operated and how people are silently killed with their foods being poisoned or injected; and there is no coroner’s inquest to ascertain the cause of death before burial. The prison is over crowded coupled with lack of medication and poor feeding which can also be attributed to one of the reasons for a high death rate that frequently occurs. I was tortured mentally, I was denied access to my visitors which was a gross violation of my rights and it contravenes the prison codes.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: So one of the precursors to your woes was writing a letter asking President Jammeh to make his daughter a good will Ambassador of the Africa in Democracy and Good Governance NGO you head. Why did you do that and what is it the President’s daughter did to deserve the honour?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: You know there is a popular adage that says ‘when you want to kill a dog, you now give the dog a bad name in order for you to be able to kill it’, there is this annual event of world day for the prevention of child abuse and violence against children in synergy with the international year of the child which was initiated by Women’s World Summit Foundation (WWSF – Geneva) since the year 2000, which ADG became a partner only in 2007. The programme encourages local initiatives. So, our 2009 initiative was to create greater awareness which was a huge success.

It was a committee that was set up that nominates all the personalities which includes the daughter of the president. The reason behind her nomination was that each year she took some gifts to the SOS Children’s village which was clearly stated in the letter that we wrote to her; moreover, we did not write any letter to the president or his office as they claimed, rather we wrote to Mariama herself in-care of her mother, Zainab.

Before the celebration of the week long programme in question, there was series of electronic and print media adverts; we were given a march-past permit by the Inspector General of Police, the march-past was led by the Army band which service we paid for; one of the recipients of the award was ASP Yamundow Jagne-Joof, the officer-in-charge of the child welfare unit at the police headquarter. The programme was covered and aired by the Gambia Radio and Television Services (GRTS) which is a state owned and the only television service in the country, various media also covered and published it. If all these things took place, so where is the false information and who is that person that it was given to, that never appeared in court?

They knew quite alright that there was nothing against me that was the reason they never tendered the said letter as evidence against me in court.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: What kind of leader would you say President Jammeh is, little is heard about him apart from claims that he can cure HIV/AIDS and not much is known either about Gambia, how will you describe the country?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Jammeh is a brutal dictator who wants cling to power by any means necessary even if it means to wipe away Gambians, this is one man that controls all three arms of government, he is gradually grabbing all the lands in the Gambia; systematically using his people as mordern day slaves by making them labour in his farms without recourse to salaries or allowance.

His claim of curing HIV/AIDS and other diseases are all false.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: The African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights is based in Gambia In the face of what you have been through, are there any other avenues you are seeking to get redress?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Yes, I intend to challenge it before the Ecowas Court of Justice sitting in the Nigerian Capital, Abuja. The African Commission are sluggish and the method of their procedures so frustrating; their decisions are not binding and in most cases not respected.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: Did human rights groups like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch come to your defence?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: The rapid responds by human rights families was overwhelming. Amnesty International, Frontline Defenders, Media Foundation for West Africa, IFEX, Elomah, Civicus, Lokarri, Foroyya Newspaper, BBC News, Radio France International and a whole lots of others that am unable to mention here. Their hard campaigns and petitions is the very reason why am alive today, because it is just like me being thrown into the lion’s deen and you know what that means.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: How does this sordid experience affect your sustained work in human rights and democracy?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: It does not affect me personally because it help to raise my moral and credentials but rather it hampers the work of the organisation, for us to be on our feet again, it needs a lot of finances and time.

PAN-AFRICAN VISIONS: What is your assessment of democracy and human rights in the continent and what next for Africa in Governance and Democracy?

EDWIN NEBOLISA: Available evidence indicates that many of the new democratic regimes remain fragile and some of the euphoria of the early 1990s had evaporated. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, the authoritarianism and statism of the early post-independence years was in retreat, and, where it persisted, was vigorously contested in a context in which democratic aspirations were firmly implanted in popular consciousness and the pluralization of associational life was an integral part of the political landscape. It was indeed a mark of the changed times that, whereas previously development had been regarded as a prerequisite of democracy, now democracy is seen as indispensable for development.

The challenges confronting Africa's democratic experiments are many and complex and include entrenching constitutionalism and the reconstruction of the postcolonial state; ensuring that the armed forces are permanently kept out of politics, instituting structures for the effective management of natural resources; promoting sustainable development and political stability; nurturing effective leadership, and safeguarding human rights and the rule of law.

In Africa, as elsewhere, democratic government and respect for human rights are closely linked. Democracy is the best means the world has produced to protect and advance human rights, based on individual freedom and dignity. In turn, respect for human rights is the only means by which a democracy can sustain the individual freedom and dignity that enables it to endure.

Despite some improvements in some parts of the continent, Africa remains the site of very serious human rights problems. For example, in Sudan, the armed conflict in Darfur continues amidst the international arrest warrant issued for President Omar El Bashir and the dismal human rights situation shows no signs of improvement. Both government and rebels commit horrendous abuses. In Somalia, the civil war continues unabated and the human rights situation goes on deteriorating; the civilian population has been the ultimate victim, and more recently the political unrest in North Africa. The ousting of democratically elected presidents and intention to change the constitution for a third bid by some leaders is tantamount to constitutional coup d’état that is eating the continent like cankerworms. Only a handful of countries that hold the regular multi-party elections in Africa are rated as free, and in line with international and regional standards.

In addition, most of the countries in Africa operate ‘semi-authoritarian regimes’ because they have the facade of democracy; that is, they have political systems, they have all the institutions of democratic political systems, they have elected parliaments, and they hold regular elections. They have nominally independent judiciaries. They have constitutions that are by and large completely acceptable as democratic institutions--but there are, at the same time, very serious problems in the functioning of the democratic system. Semi-authoritarian regimes are very good at holding multi-party elections while at the same time making sure that the core power of the government is never going to be affected. In other words, they are going to hold elections, but they are not--the regime is not going to lose those elections. Semi-authoritarian regimes intimidate voters, as it happened in Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya and Zimbabwe. Semi-authoritarian regimes manipulate state institutions for self-ends—governments don’t respect the laws, and don’t work through institutions. Semi-authoritarian regimes amend constitutions anytime they want.

Semi-authoritarian regimes will not introduce fully participatory, competitive elections that may result in their loss of power, and some are even unsure of how far they really want to go toward political pluralism in their countries. African politics in generally speaking is a matter of personality, not programs. For example, during the Obasanjo administration the prevailing idea was that the president was the father of the nation, the big man, or Kabiyesi, which means king, that is, no one dared question his authority.

A strong and effective democratic process should be able to establish a functioning administrative structure; and address the issue of how leaders are chosen; the issue of how different institutions relate to each other; the issues of how officials should act, for example, how the judiciary should act, the independence of the judiciary from other branches of government, and the problem of how the decisions that are taken by these democratic institutions can be implemented.

To move Africa forward, emerging democratic governments would have to confront a legacy of poverty, illiteracy, militarization, and underdevelopment produced by incompetent or corrupt governments. The syndrome of personal dictatorships and the winner-take-all practice as we continue to witness would need to be addressed, and there must be full respect for human rights; constitutional government and the rule of law; transparency in the wielding of power, and accountability of those who exercise power.

The basic rule of the democracy game is that the winners do not forever dislodge the losers. It is important for the consolidation of democracy that losers believe in the system and think that they can get back into the game. African governments must create an enabling environment in which traditions and values of the constitution will be able to take root and where rights and duties are set out. In this process, the separation of powers must be facilitated. Government must allow institutions to work and must allow citizens to exercise their rights, to live in accordance with their religious beliefs and cultural values, without interference. The legal order must be based on human rights, societal awareness of the instrumental and intrinsic values of democracy, a competent state, and a culture of tolerance.

Democracy requires that those who have authority use it for the public good; a democratic system of government begins by recognizing that all members of society are equal. People should have equal say and equal participation in the affairs of government and decision making in society, because, in the final analysis, government exists to serve the people; the people do not exist to serve government. In other words, governments must enhance individual rights and not stifle their existence. Repressive laws on many African countries’ statute books against personal liberty and habeas corpus must be removed from the statute books.

In most African countries, a tremendous amount of information does not circulate beyond a small portion of the urban population, owing to illiteracy, language barriers, and costs. Because the individual ignorance of personal rights and understanding of what democracy means has encouraged authoritarianism in Africa, political education at the grass roots is necessary. If a genuine democracy is to become a reality in Africa, the participation of the masses has to be sought by politicians, and not bought by manipulators. Politicians should try to understand what the masses know, because they sometimes lack the ability to articulate their interests and grievances. However, politicians also should be educated about human rights and respect for the constitution. Education is crucial to the development of a culture of tolerance, which, it is hoped, would contribute immensely to the creation of an enabling environment for democracy.
We must therefore encourage citizens to learn the habits of civil disobedience on a massive scale, rather than taking up arms and ammunitions. We must encourage people to go out and demonstrate peacefully, to show their opinion regarding issues, because eliminating the culture of fear is crucial to our democratic growth.

Mr. Nebolisa, thanks for talking to Pan-African Visions.

EDWIN NEBOLISA: The pleasure is mine.



Source:PAMBAZUKA NEWS


This article first appeared on Pan-African Visions